(The following is an exercept from the Foroglia-Epikrateis joint session entitled, "DISCUSSING THE INFLUENCE OF DEFENSE ON GLOBAL POLICY:")

ARENADES: Epikratos, the Archon of the Malassakian Republic!


SOTER: 
"My fellow Malassans, I stand before a special, joint session of the legislature to announce that in the opinion of this government, things have got much worse, but they have also become clearer. 

The entire world stands at a wartime posture and civilization could rip itself to shreds at a moments notice. It used to be said that armaments depend on policy. It is not always true, but I think that at this point it is far more accurate to say that policy depends, to a large extent, upon the tools we have in executing policy, which is to say, our weapons. Undeniably, we have reached a position where the choice of policy is dictated by limitations of defense. During the last three years, the Syndicalists have worked unceasingly upon a vast array of armament on a scale which would give them such a dominance in Kervan as would enable them, if they chose -and why should they not? - to invert the global order. Their method has been to acquire dominance in the air and, under its iron umbrella, to develop land and naval forces which, when completed, could conquer the world.

Their aim is being completed as fast as possible, and the first part of it, ascendancy in the air, is already fact. The army element is far advanced, and the naval portion is now coming into view.

For the last two years some of us have been endeavoring to convince this government of the scale and pace at which Syndicalist aviation was progressing. The alarm bells were set ringing a wild chorus. If only they had been listened to! Anyone can see now, that the policy of doubling and doubling anew the Air Force which I then proposed was the least which should have done. If six months ago these measures had been begun,you would today have been beginning to obtain results, and very different would be our military posture. I took the responsibility then of making statements, or rather understatements, about the threat of Syndicalist air. In order that the government should have an opportunity of consulting their expert advisers, I supplied the Polemarch with a prediction in advance, and upon this he made a series of strong declarations. I must now read these to the Assembly,

“It is not the case that the syndicalists are rapidly approaching equality with us. . . Their real strength is not 70 percent, of our strength in the Northern-Southern oceans today."

"As for the position this time next year so far from the Syndintern air force being at least as strong as, and probably stronger than, our own, we estimate that we shall still have in the North Ocean alone a margin of nearly 30 per cent”.

It is fact that the Polemarch in that second statement said, "Provided that there is no acceleration in Brouges and its satellite." But it is very difficult to know what is acceleration when the original speed at which the air force was constructed is not known and when the final limit at which they are aiming is also unknown. Then came this declaration, the most important that we have had:

“This government is determined in no conditions to accept any position of inferiority with regard to what air force may be raised in Dereham in the future”.

Here we have an assertion that the armed forces, with all their sources of information, were convinced that they had, and would continue to have for many months, a large air superiority over Dereham, and that in no case would they fail to maintain what has been called air parity with Dereham. These assurances were accepted by all but myself.

Only six weeks ago the Polemarch Inferior  for Air came to say that we had a substantial superiority over Dereham, we would still have superiority today owing to our indomitable navy. Only six weeks have passed since then, and surely we ought to ask what has happened to bring about the extraordinary change in the balance of air forces?

I do not say that these were made in an attempt to decieve this assembly and myself, but they were utterly wrong. They were the diametric opposite of the truth. If the statement was that we should be 30 percent stronger than the Syndicalists in the Northern Ocean at a certain date and we find that they are 30 per cent stronger than we are it wasn't reverse of the truth, and far worse than that, it appears to have been a well-meaning self delusion with disastrous consequences. Is there a member of the Epikrateis or the Air Force who now stand and say that next year we shall still have a 30 percent superiority, or that we have a dominance today? The whole of these assertions, made in the most sweeping manner and on the highest authority, are now admitted to false. 

For months, the Thalassarch has warned with equal vociferousness that we rely too greatly on our navy. While our navy can challenge and defeat any navy in the role we ask of it, that of defending our commerce routes and our land from maritime invasion, it cannot be expected to defeat all another Great Powers' ships and shoot down its whole airforce, much less multiple. It cannot defeat the emergent Irodein navy, sink the Dereham fleet, engage its air force, and prevent interference to commerce from the Federal Republic of Union's submarines all at the same time. 

So then, what is our position today? For many months, perhaps for several years, most critical for the peace of the entire planet, we are totally condemned to be in a position of frightful weakness, of dependence on Eraetia to supplement our ailing defence. If Dereham were the only power with which we were concerned, if we stood alone compared with Dereham
 and if there were no other great countries in Kervan who shared our worries and dangers, and if air warfare were the only kind of warfare by which the destinies of men were decided, we would have to recognize that this country, which seemed so safe and strong, which held with an invincible fist the Northern Ocean, which has guarded its homeland and its independence for so many millenia, would be at the whim of ideologues now governing a foreign country in the name of an insane, grand delusion. There are, however, friendly nations with whom we may orchestrate our defense, and there are other factors, chiefly naval, of we can dispose. Besides, under the grim war mask which the Syndicalists have so rapidly assumed there may be all kinds of weaknesses, economic, political and social, that accompany the ravings of madmen when carried into law but which may not be apparent - but upon these we cannot rest ourselves.

There is, however, an effective policy open to us at the present time by which we may salvage both our safety and our freedom. The policy of detachment or isolation, about which we have heard so much and which in many ways is so attractive, is no longer open, and it is silly to the point of childish to continue to frame the debate in terms of "Guns vs. Butter", or "Pensions vs. Planes".Rather, it is a question of "Weapons vs. Whips". "Carriers vs. Chains", "Tanks or Taskmasters". We may have no interest in war, but I cannot guarantee war has no interest in us.

There is a wide measure of agreement in the assembly tonight upon our foreign policy. We are bound to act with Eraetia and other Powers, great and small, who desire peace. I would not refuse the co-operation of any state as long as it was willing to work for that goal.  We must build up defense forces of all kinds and combine our action with that of friendly Powers, so that we may be allowed to live in quiet ourselves and redeem ourselves of the woeful miscalculations of which we are at present the fools, and of which, unless we take warning in time, we may some day be the victims.

All is not lost. There are advantages in all but the immediate term, to our abstaining from the "imminent Great War" posture that nearly all other states have adopted. We have greatly benefitted economically, and for an equivalent expenditure as our would-be adversaries, we can equip ourselves of entirely modern armaments. But we cannot delay.

I therefore submit this bill to the joint session of the Foroglia and the Epikrateis. It is divided in accordance with your respective domains.

The bill, the 'Preeminence Act' calls for raising taxes and cutting much social spending. It is bitter medicine, but needed for the health of our state. It calls for the quadrupling of our air force and doubling of our army by the end of this year and a 50% increase of our navy by the next. It is ambitious, but with the industrial might of Malassa and the determination of our people, nothing is impossible. We will not be the generation that fails to protect thousands of years of sacrifices by our ancestors."

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Two hours later, in the office of the archon:

Antiochus had only just breezed by the secretary and removed his hat and overcoat when he heard a knock on the great oaken door.

He replied, tersely, "Enter."

The ever fashionable Ms. Floros leaned her head in. "A Colonel Richards to see you?"

"By all means, send him in." The Archon sat his large frame in his chair and steepled his fingers. On his entry, Soter exclaimed,

"Colonel! I hope I won't have to write a strongly worded letter every time I wish to see you!" He rose and extended his hand for a shake.