[b]Name of Nation[/b]: le Armie sans Frontiers
[b]Territories[/b]: Less a nation and more an organization Armie sans Frontiers doesn't “own” any land. Though the organization has operations across much of central Africa where the bulk of its forces are resources are drawn into.
[b]Government Type[/b]: Corporate
[b]Military[/b]: Infantry, rapid troop deployment in helicopters. Minor naval capability, largely brown or gree water. Utilizes up-to-date arms manufactured predominately by its associates.
[b]Economy[/b]: Income is generated through the contractual obligations with its host nations. Though a sum is also attributed to the manufacture of military gear through its associate branches and the laundering of money gained through in-field operations or the dual ownership of mines across central Africa.
[b]Foreign Policy[/b]: formal neutrality
[b]History[/b]: The degeneration of international relations in the 2020's marked the weakening of the power and capability of the UN to legislate and enforce international law. Law which broke at the onset of the third world war in 2025. Of the failing of international, multilateral law came the breaking of what little restrictions could be put on mercenaries, or PMC/PMF's. The issue was additionally compounded by the failure of Interpol at the collapse of the UN assembly and the closure of its headquarters in New York a year before the war began.

The fall of these groups allowed for the practical free reign of a number of groups to engage in a number of activities without fear of multinational efforts to arrest them, or there being any body in assisting the capture of criminal elements, rebel brigades, or anything two or more national security operations would require coordination with for their arrest and trial.

The failure of the world of international law was taken note by then thirty-six Pierre Lofaine. The ex-GIGN operative had racked up many years of service experience in the French military and a special forces career including the final years of the First Ivorian Civil War (2005-2007), the Chadian Civil War (2009-2010), the Second Ivorian Civil War (2010-2011), and the rotating tours between French military efforts in the Chadian Civil War and the Central African Republic crisis.

Pierre was set to retire from the military world and enter finance when the idea of running a PMC company was offered to him in 2022.

The proto-company, the International Democracy Army was established in 2023 with a little over a hundred staff members running private security for French business owners and their interests in central Africa. However by the onset of the Third World War in 2025 came an explosion of uncertainty, and of opportunity.

The IDA was initially recruited by the French government for logistical support in the CAR and the Congo to combat explosive Chinese agitation on the African continent. The contract offered an enormous pay, and over a year Pierre and his associates doubled then triples their staff numbers, recruiting from local Congolese and international veterans without prejudice. By the end of their contract with the French government in 2027 the IDA had over twenty-times their original number.

By mid-war, the full effect on the lack of legal oversight for PMCs was reeling its head and the full extent of their ability was becoming fully realized. On top of it, the length of the war proved taxing on many world powers. The inflation that spiked over the course of the war as fueled by the massive expenses pumped into operation taxed the belligerents heavily. So much so it was becoming an intense affair in simply mobilizing an effective army while controlling the devastating economic collapses at home. As an effect, a heightened number of contracts were handed out to any and all PMCs/PMFs as they were seen as the more cost effective solution to fighting the continuing war. A lack of coverage on dead PMCs also played a major part in swaying public opinion as foreigners without name or nationality fought the battles for them.

The end of a second contract with the French government saw the IDF shifting loyalties shifting with the German government offering a massive paycheck for their campaigns within Central Europe. With no other contract higher Pierre took the deal and the ten-thousand strong IDF pursued the German will in Poland.

Of course, by this year of 2031 the size and now image of the IDF had shifted and they were in need for a change of image. Pierre – with his board of directors – opted for a formal brand change. Rebranding themselves from the IDF to the ASF; le Armie sans Frontiers, an Army without Borders.

The amount of financial strength they were able to make coupled with the during-war economic crash cheapened the price on surplus tools and desperate manufacturers were searching for more contracts of their own and were eager to devalue their goods on the simple hope to keep in the black. The inflation had taken root, and the war wasn't anywhere near finished, for what finish that was.

The ASF was capable of rearming itself with the top-of-the-line military surplus developed and mobilized during the war. Elevating it from a mere auxilary army to something more on par of a main-line army with the acquisition of a large number of drones, robots, troop carriers and support aircraft, and targeting computers. Their ranks continued to swell as they took on multiple contracts, fed now in turn by the economically desperate European and Asian citizens.

By war's end, the economic toll was great and to some degree its merits questioned. The capabilities of large military forces looked to have taken a hit as the force of financial support they needed became evident in its self-destructive nature. In a sense, private armies looked to be the best option with ASF standing out, with more field experience than any other to last, and the heaviest presence across any and all fronts in the war.

The war had also changed the face of ASF and the former IDF was largely forgotten in the winding behemoth of ASF. Equipped to par like any other western nation, its hunger for use had not died. And the need for an army and a police-force post-war was high. Especially in the economically disenfranchised nations of the world.

The ASF took a thirty-year contract as the major provider of military and public security in the African Congo, CAR, Angola, Rwanda, Tanzania, Kenya, Uganda, South Sudan, Cameroon, Nigeria, Benin, Ghana, and Cote d'Ivoire. Contracts have also been extended to Paraquay to handle the police functions of the city's top five cities and Malaysia and Brunei.

Through the ASF these states are capable of organizing international crime-fighting efforts as well as pooling their efforts to stomping out lingering rebels and keeping stability. For the nations, ASF itself remains directly out of their national politics, though the private holders and upper-rank officers within the ASF have indirectly extended their company's reach through the ownership of their own private companies outside of, and in orbit of ASF. Through a shared pool of their war-time bonuses they have made the purchase of vast coltan and gold mines of the Congo, oil wealth, and arms and equipment manufacture that serves not only themselves but other PMCs/PMFs.

And the lack of international oversight and law regulating their actions has been a proven bonus.

[b]Foes[/b]: N/A
[b]Demographics[/b]: Approximately 890,000 employees of varying race. No formal breakdown of ethnicity has been conducted as per company policy to disallow any future customers from discriminating against them based on ethnic background, or to protect their employees from the potential ethnic violence that is inherent in their core operating region.
[b]Other[/b]: I'd hazard that half this app isn't necessary, Duck.