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    1. AspenIvan 11 yrs ago

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Nooooooo! Avalant, be friends with us Syndicalists! :)
Shoo!
But...but...you're a (sort of) democracy! Why would you prefer the fascist imperialists over us? :(
Nooooooo! Avalant, be friends with us Syndicalists! :)
Office of the RSI Spokesperson, People's Proletarian University, Brouges Gerald Veron thought about what he wanted from the RSI. The deployment of RSI soldiers would be an open war against Ereatia and their allies. It would drag many countries into a war of proportions never seen before. "We should avoid deploying any formal troops of the RSI or any affiliated states. It would only drag many more nations into a conflict that could potentially mean the death of millions. Not to mention I have my doubts that the RSI could land troops on the Colongo shores when you take both the Ereatian and Malassakian navies into account." Gerald pauzed. An armed rebellion was the next step but victory on the battlefield would not be a necessity. Gerald Veron continued. "We need funding, weapons and trainers in order to start a full scale armed rebellion. The UCF has over 50.000 members and many more supporters. We could smuggle weapons and supplies into the country through the harbors. The dockworkers are all trustworthy comrades. Also it might be possible to smuggle weapons in through Alleghany. But starting the rebellion is only the first phase. We must fight the Ereatians to at least a stand still. Create a strong position for negotiations. You need to mobilize the international community to put pressure on the Ereatians in order to force them to negotiate. Economic sanctions and trade embargo's will be convincing arguments for them"
"The International is not a state," Spokesperson Jaurès corrected. "I concede that some of the imperialists may present us this way in order to paint us as a 'foreign' threat, but we still have a range of action impossible for a nation." The professor-politician listened to the rest of Veron's remarks attentively, mentally noting all of his suggestions. "We can certainly arrange for weapons and supplies. And though you are right to warn against a military landing, there is no reason we can't funnel experienced soldiers and agents into your ranks. After all, the RSI will need a line of communication in order to respond appropriately to the evolving reality on the ground. And I am sure the UFC, lacking in combat experience as it is, could benefit from some guidance and training by veteran comrades. In fact, we may be able to call upon our member-unions in Alleghany to send entire volunteer brigades, disguised as Alleghany pan-nationalists of course. "As for applying global pressure onto the imperialists, if you would present your case to the Revolutionary Workers' Congress, we may be able to declare the Ereatian Empire an Enemy of the People. All the unions of the International outside of Ereatia would boycott the Empire's goods, while those inside would do everything in their power to slow and stall production: Slowdowns, strikes, road blockades, port shutdowns, you name it. Would that be enough, do you think?"
I imagine the RSI has been organizing in Westhurst territory.
About the canal: It will be the greatest engineering project ever undertaken in Kervan. Considering the sheer size its construction will influence the involved nations at a more negative way. 1. Not everyone who lives on the land where the canal is intended to come will be eager to leave. Simple folks who have often lived in the same house, worked the same land for generations are not likely to be happy to move. 2. The costs of making such a canal will be astronomical. This will have to result in having less funds for other aspects of your nation. It will be interesting to see how syndicalists population responds to budget costs in traditional left-wing area's suchs as social security, healthcare and education. 3. Lifes will be lost, by the thousands proberbly. The building of a canal of that size will require tens of thousands of workers who will have to relocate to camps and temporary cities for years. In such places desease can often spread more quickly and working accedents will frequently happen. So basicly the construction phase will be a great burdon on the countries financial situation and it will have a social impact as not everyone will agree that the sacrifice of money and lifes is worth it.
Milkman
These are serious considerations. They cannot be completely bypassed, but the International is confident that Syndicalists will be able to prove themselves better than bourgeois capitalists and monarchists. These numbered statements should address some of the concerns raised by Comrade-Representative Milkman. 1. As established in the last session of Congress, the RSI will work with local residents to determine ways in which they can have a stake in the project and some control over how it affects their land. The RSI will also try to work with those who must move to find new lands and rebuild as close-by as possible with the best available access to whatever they need. This may not address all grievances, but it will certainly do better by the peasants than mass expropriations in other nations. 2. The scale of Syndintern collaboration will, hopefully, prevent undue burdens from weighing on any one single nation. Also, remember that we have achieved Syndicalism in liberated territory: With workers owning and managing their own means of production, the need for state-sponsored social stopgaps to absorb masses of poor and unemployed citizens is less than in the needlessly exploitative capitalist system. 3. The Revolutionary Syndicalist International utterly rejects any form of labor conscription: This project will be undertaken by volunteers (with incentives) and, if necessary, soldiers already prepared to die. We will also do all in our power to provide proper medical facilities and resources to the workers, and to address safety issues. Of course, some losses are inevitable, but losses are always inevitable for the great struggles of the working class, as our revolutions themselves have proven. All power to the unions!
(Collaborative post by AspenIvan, Littlefield, and Zurajai)
Revolutionary Workers' Congress, Brouges
SESSION ON DEREHAM REPUBLIC ASSOCIATION WITH SYNDINTERN The day's session was a long-awaited opportunity: Finally the leader of the Dereham Republic would discuss with Congress the terms of his nation's entry into the International as an associate state. RWC Chair Emma Goossens, naturally, would facilitate the encounter. Unlike traditional parliaments, the Revoltionary Workers' Congress assembly-chamber was a full circle as opposed to a semicircle, but for a doorway at one end. Goossens sat in the center, eyes darting attentively from representative to representative for a moment before fixing her gaze on the man sitting just opposite her: Supreme Chancellor Robert Glenshaw of the Dereham Republic. As guest and center of attention for the meeting, he had a place in the center along with the Chair. "Comrade Chancellor," she began, "it's a pleasure to finally receive you here after the twenty year wait." She smiled, hoping the Aenglander wouldn't mind a little teasing. Discussions in the RWC were less strictly formal than in bourgeois-democratic assemblies; joking was common, though never at the cost of respect. The delegates also dressed less formally than one might expect in a parliament: Trench coats, brown jackets, everyday shirts and pants and dresses. "I believe you understand the terms of state entry into the International as an associate state, but I'll go ahead and review them for the sake of procedure, and so we're all on the same page. The state must arrange for all workers to have free and fair elections to join or form Syndintern member-unions -if they are not already a part-, preserve and protect the democratic socialist management of all workplaces, facilitate the formation of city and regional Work Exchanges, and adhere to the fundamental principles of the International. In return, the RSI promises to help defend the state's territorial integrity to the best of its ability, allow it access to the Central Work Exchange and the benefits of the integrated economy of the Revolutionary International Syndicalist movement, and provide development aid to the state as appropriate for its people's needs. "So what's your take, Comrade Chancellor?" Goossens asked earnestly, curious as to what the famed Dereham revolutionary would have to say. "Anything you would have us add?" The Supreme Chancellor shifted his tie slighty, contemplating the words of Ms. Goossens. Mr. Glenshaw stood up and began to speak. "The terms have been discussed and agreed upon by the Council of Workers, in Amner, with a single additional request on our part." The Chancellor paused for a moment considering the wording of what he was about to say, "The Council of Workers, and the people of Dereham require the aid and attendance of the International to establish a canal joining the Great Northern Ocean in the West, with the Great Middle Ocean in the East." The chancellor continued, "It was a goal for our people to unite East with West when I was first elected Supreme Chancellor. I wish to complete this for the people. That is all I request." As he finished, The Chancellor returned to his seat, prepared to hear the response of the RWC. Chancellor Glenshaw's request was met with the murmur of countless hushed discussions by the representatives, talking among thesmelves to gather their thoughts on the proposed amendment. Goossens looked up and around the room with interest, but she did not speak. She knew when to let the delegates have a little time to chat amongst themselves. Eventually, a delegate stood and spoke up. "Representative Johan Groeniger from the Völsung Fishing Federation. Pleased to meet you Chancellor Glenshaw." The man wore a plaid shirt and a simple linen jacket, and his face was worn wih age. "I know a thing or two about canals, and people have been talking about just this sort of East-West project for as long as I can remember. But it's never been done. We wanna help, don't get me wrong, but how do we know the project is even viable? We can't just pour our dues into a big ditch that just *might* happen to someday eventually lead to somewhere, if you'll excuse me being frank." A scattering of fellow delegates nodded and murmured in agreement, but most were looking with great interest to Glenshaw to hear his response. Did he have actual evidence to support the possibility of such a feat? Chancellor Glenshaw smiled and spoke softly, "A project of this scale would indeed be a massive undertaking, and cost an immense amount of money, and resources. Even though the cost will be high, the benefits for our people far outweigh them." The Chancellor stood, once more, and buttoned his suit jacket. "I can not say that there will be no risk, doing so would simply be lying to you. But with such a great risk, comes an even greater reward." It was at this point that the Proletariat General of the NFRU, Erasmus Koen Dreyer, stood and interjected his own words of wisdom, looking out at the delegates after clearing his throat swiftly. "Comrades, Chancellor Glenshaw speaks of a universal truth that all of us should know better than any other. Did not all of us 'pour our dues' into revolutions that had only the slightest chance for success? Yet here we are, having prevailed over the decadent oligarchs and the tyrannical monarchs of the old regimes. If your hesitation, Comrades, is based solely on a fear of possible failure than you are hardly the revolutionaries that I once knew. This effort will unify our peoples more than ever before, provide numerous jobs to all those involved, and prove to the world that the Syndicalists are capable of succeeding at efforts no Monarchist nor Bourgeois has ever before." Chancellor Glenshaw nodded in the direction of his old friend. "Thank you, Erasmus. It would be wise to view this as an opportunity, to show the world that cooperation will always succeed where competition could not. Allow me to ask, Proleteriat General Dreyer, how long does it take for a diplomat from the NFRU to reach the Western continent?" The Chancellor asked, gesturing his hand in the direction of Erasmus Koen Dryer. "Several months, at most, to get to Alleghany." intoned Erasmus, leaning back into his chair, "Perhaps less." The Chancellor smiled "Precisely, the experts who we discussed this project with believe that we would be able to halve that if we build this canal." Another RWC delegate stood. "Representative Helene Roussellier, Northern Rail Workers United. I think we all understand the costs and benefits here, but we need an idea of just how feasible this project is. It's one thing to fight against the odds to free ourselves from intolerable oppression, but shorteninghere we ought to be a little more pragmatic. Comrade Chancellor, can you give us something to work off of? A geological report, architectural plans, risk analysis? And if I can get a little more particular, how are we going to make sure this doesn't kill the rail lines? Will this canal be able to support a bridge or something, or can a ferry move efficiently from bank to bank?" "Our current plans, as the Proletariat General has seen, include a moveable bridge. A bascule bridge. The purpose of this bridge is to open when a boat is moving through the area, and to close once the boat has passed." The chancellor put both of his hands together, in such a way that his fingers were touching. He lifted his fingers up, until they seperated, "Like so." The chancellor took a step towards Representative Roussellier, "If a single bridge is not enough, we can build two. Our plan also would also require a two-lane lock system, to offset the differences in sea level. Our preliminary reports show that this is a most feasible project." The chancellor remained standing, and looked around the room where many delegates remained murmuring about the proposal. He was still unable to discern if he had swayed anyone. "Thank you Comrade Chancellor," Representative Roussellier replied with a respectful nod, before sitting back down. She seemed satisfied with Glenshaw's response. Then rose another delegate, "Representative Amelia Dover, Alleghany Artisan-Syndicalists. I for one want to express my support for the proposal. Because first of all I trust that our fellow syndicalist comrades in the government of Dereham know what they're doing. They've decided they want to join Syndintern, so their grand projects ought to be *all of our* grand projects. We need to stand together as the Syndicalists of the World. And here's where it gets more personal. Those of us outside Liberated Territory in the West could use easier supply lines and communication with the rest of you. The canal isn't just a road to trade and jobs, but a road to reinforcing the revolution, friends. I can't count how many times funds or messages arrived just a little too late, and I'm sure every other Syndicalist in the West has had similar experiences. Think of how far we've come already together: How much further can we go if we aren't blocked off from one another by a wall?" Several delegates clapped or nodded to show respect and agreement. Representative Dover had a good point. But the Chair had a point of her own to bring up. "Well done, comrade Dover!" she began, shining a smile briefly at the representative as she sat. "Don't let anyone here get complacent when there's still so much work we still need to do in this world. The moment us in Liberated Territory forget our comrades still fighting for freedom would be the moment Revolutionary Syndicalism dies." She turned back to face the Supreme Chancellor. "I do have a concern about the project, though. It's been twenty years since the masses of Dereham took back the land and the means of production from feudal and bourgeois tyrants. And I take it there are fields, villages, maybe even towns where the proposed canal would run through. How can we expropriate and evict people from their homeland less than a generation after they won it back from their oppressors? If that is the glory of Syndicalism, it seems like a raw deal for those folks." She eyed Glenshaw keenly, awaiting an explanation. Glenshaw looked at Goossens, and smiled "Of course, ma'am. Undoubtedly this has been among our primary concerns." The Chancellor returned to his seat, and continued, "We have employed inquirers to conduct surveys the areas in the way of planned construction and inquire if the people would be adverse to selling their property those responsible for constructing the canal. The price at which their land would be purchased is very generous, and if I may interject a bit of my own personal opinion into this, I would imagine that most of the people would be in favor of this. The Chancellor broke eye contact with the Chair and looked around the room at the other representatives there, nodding to Amelia Dover in thanks for her support, before returning his gaze to Goossens to hear her response. "And what if a village or cooperative declines your offer to buy?" the Chair replied without missing a beat. "Some people value home more than money." "The land is sparcely populated, ma'am, and I would wager those living there would be willing to sell their homes for the greater good of the people." The chancellor responded quickly to her inquiry. "You would wager?" she asked with a hint of skepticism. "So there's hasn't been an inquiry on the ground? Seems proper to me to ask the folks whose land is there before you come proposing the project to us. And for my own part, I would wager that some of these villages would at least like a say in how the canal is done, maybe a stake in the project's returns or consultation rights in water management." "You misunderstand, Ms. Goossens. Just moments ago, I stated inquirers had conducted surveys of the populace to determine whether or not they'd be willing to allow a canal to be built. The answer is yes." The chancellor continued, "To put it more concisely, they've been asked. As for your personal input, I'm unaware of any water management experts living in the area, however we had considered offering them jobs on the workforce for the construction of the canal." "Good to hear the inquiry got such positive results. Was it a simple majority that came out in favor of selling? A plurality? Consensus? And as for water management, I think you misunderstand me. If a village or a homestead wants to stay put in the vicinity of the canal, they ought to have a say in where some of the water goes since it will affect their livelihood. Maybe they can get some irrigation, or maybe you agree to build levees to contain the water. Whatever it is, and however few people don't sell, they are comrade workers of the Revolution with rights to democratic management of their workplace, and that includes however water mixes in with their fields." "It is a vast majority in favor, the number of people unwilling to sell was no more than five families. I agree that allowing them input on where some of the water goes would be more than acceptable." The Supreme Chancellor said. "Well I guess we've come to mutual understanding then," the Chair announced with satisfaction. "As long as we can get that in writing and Congress can send agents to verify that those families are properly consulted, I'm ready to support your amended proposal for state-associate membership in the International. Any comments or questions from the rest of my fellow congresspeople, or from our NFRU comrades?" Goosens waited for a long moment, but saw no hands raise or representatives stand. "In that case, how about we bring this to a vote? That is, if our esteemed Comrade Chancellor has nothing else to add." "I do believe I've stated my case in a sufficient manner." The chancellor stated with conviction. "Glad to hear it," the Chair replied with a respectful nod to Glenshaw. She moved her gaze back around the chamber, scanning the delegates. "Let's move things along, then. All in favor..." Thus began the drawn-out process of counting the numbers for and against, but the conclusion was practically foregone. Few representatives would dare mess up this opportunity of a lifetime: Dereham joining Syndintern.
Office of the RSI Spokesperson, People's Proletarian University, Brouges
Jeannette Jaurès listened intently to her Usonian guest, nodding or adjusting her glasses occasionally but mostly keeping still out of absolute attention. She did not say a word until Gerald finally ended his story. She was not an easy person to unsettle, and it was just an extra furrow in her brow that communicated her deep sense of concern. “My deepest condolences to your people,” she began. “This is the worst we could have suspected of events in Colongo. I cannot imagine your sorrow, not to mention how difficult it must have been for you to make the journey here. Know, Comrade Veron, that whatever disagreements between Revolutionary Syndicalists and Usonian Communists, we consider you friends and allies in the worldwide revolutionary struggle. This horrific attack on Usonian workers and peasants is also an attack on the Syndicalist International and all that it stands for. Now is time to end the colonial regime of economic extraction, political domination, and cultural genocide. “Now,” she continued with a more matter-of-fact tone, “the fact that reports have stopped arriving from Usonian RSI members can no longer be considered a mere anomaly or hiccup. We must presume them dead or captured. This limits the International's breadth of unilateral action in Colongo. In other words, if we Syndicalists are to act in support of Usonian self-determination and workers' liberation in Colongo, we will need to act with and through the UCF. Since you are the only member of the Front we can communicate with at present, this means you have a grave and heavy responsibility. You must tell us how, when, and where we can help. “We have arms and supplies ready to send, armies ready to deploy, and member-unions around the world ready to act in solidarity with their Usonian comrades. How shall I ask the Revolutionary Workers' Congress to direct them?” __________
Rural Outskirts of Uson, Colongo
One 48-round drum, half empty. Two cocktail bombs. One knife. Would it be enough? The plantation was just outside the range of usual army patrols, but the owner was clever enough to have special arrangements for private security. He picked favorites among the farmhands -slaves was more like it, since he never payed them enough to cover the “fees” he charged for using his equipment. But he was kinder with the few he picked out from the rest: They got to live in the guest-house, received extra pay enough to shop in the city, and even had motorbikes they were free to ride around on. All as long as they carried guns and batons for the boss. They would put down strikes or slowdowns with force and beat the occasional “dangerous element” into submission, but they were mostly there simply so the workers would know they were being watched. It was sick: Usonian overseers for Usonian wage-slaves, turning the oppressed against one another. And now, in the dead of night, Brianna Goldman was planning to take them on. She didn't have much to work with, and she was outnumbered, but she had a few advantages too. As long as she conserved her twenty-four bullets, her SMG was probably better than anything the Ereatian cheapskate was arming his lackeys with. And she had the proper military training to use it: An undercover Revolutionary Guard sergeant had passed down the discipline and the knowhow to her and the entire cell. If she was quiet and careful enough before she started shooting, she could have line of sight on all five guards and down them all in a matter of seconds. Then, if she were quick, she might be able to torch the mansion before the Ereation boss and his family knew what hit them. Make an example of collaborators, kill an infamous plantation boss, and burn down a symbol of oppression all in one go. But would she be able to do it? As Brianna crept through the fields, gun loaded and eyes on her targets, something inside her knew that a lot would be up to sheer chance. But better to play the odds and die fighting the oppressors than stay alive by abandoning the cause.
Ummm....it might be a little early for nukes to suddenly enter the scene. It's a *huge* trump card over everyone's military.
First IC post for the glorious International is up! :D
### **Three Weeks Ago - Colongo Capital** “Okay, let's assess the situation.” The large woman speaking and three other people, all in grey trench coats, sat around a table in a blown-out bar. Two days earlier, an Usonian suicide bomber had set off his load inside the building at peak hour, ravaging the mostly Ereatian clientele. It had been considered “safe” by the foolish colonizers because of its distance from the working class neighborhoods: They hadn't suspected that a “good Usonian,” the kind who wore “proper” clothes and worked as a clerk for a kindly Ereatian journalist, could be an enemy in their midst. “The rest of the cell was caught in the last roundup,” replied a burly but elderly man holding a revolver close to his chest. “Police took our radio, our telegraph, and our truck. No way to get the message out unless we can hitch a ride or walk our way out. To be honest, we were surprised to find you still alive and well.” The two figures next to the old man nodded, two skinny twin teens who presented as men but, like many younger syndicalist revolutionaries (and some older as well), had a more complicated vision of their own gender. Everyone at the table was native Usonian by birth, but they spoke with a deliberate mish-mash of Usonian, Ereatian, and Flamard. “Do the police know who we are?” “I doubt it. You're our liason, the only one with a card. The rest of us are UCF as far as anyone knows.” “Weapons?” “Hunting rifle with eight rounds. Two grenades. My revolver with twenty-four rounds -six in the chamber-. One flare gun we stole from a dead pig, with five rounds. Knives all around. You?” “Type 12 SMG, two 48-round drums. That and my knife. Anything intact here we could use to make some cocktails?” The old man's expression grew puzzled. “So we're planning on using the weapons? The fighting's over and there's only four of us left. We -” “Forgive me if I disagree, comrade.” She gave a slight, wry smile, though her eyes remained stoic. “The fighting isn't over until we're dead or we've won.” “You can't be serious,” remarked one of the twins. The other nodded in agreement. “Do I look like I'm joking? Can't you see what's happening? The match was lit and the bomb went off. Here we are sitting on the proof. Just when the colonizer bastards think they've got things back under control, we can relight it. And we can keep doing that as many times as it takes.” “As it takes for what?” the old man asked skeptically. “For conditions to get intolerable. For general revolt. For this place to become so hellish for the colonizers and the bosses that they leave once and for all. That's the option we have: No way we're making it to liberated territory through the checkpoints, no way to contact the International, and no serious branch here we can depend on to keep us safe. We fight, we inspire others to fight, we join those who are already fighting. ULF, UCF, whoever. And when they won't fight, we make them by forcing them to make the same decision we have to: Total victory or total defeat.” There was a long silence, filled with uncomfortable gazes shooting every which way. Finally, the old man took a deep breath and spoke. “Well, I've lived a good long life. I'm with you. But what about the twins?” “We can fight,” one interjected. The statement wasn't proud or eager, but fatalistic. “Not much else to do. Victory or death...I suppose.” The rest of the day was long and painful. The four new guerillas burned the few shreds of evidence that they belonged to the RSI, checked and cleaned their weapons, and used a few intact bottles of liquor to prepare firebombs. Then they separated: The liason in one direction, the elder in another, and the twins together in yet another. Their targets would be anyone of the oppressor class: Soldiers and police on or off duty, bureaucratic offices, high-status establishments, suspected collaborators. Anything to show that the fight hadn't ended. Hopefully, that fact would strike fear into the colonizers and hope into whatever remained of the resistance. ### **Two Weeks Ago - International Radio Broadcast** *This is a broadcast from the Liberated Territories of the Revolutionary Syndicalist International. News of the workers and peasants of the world, which you will not hear from the bourgeois press or the state-tyrants' censors. Today we pass on a special announcement by RWC Chair Emma Goossens, speaking of a new directive by the Revolutionary Workers' Congress.* -A light crackle of static hums in the background- *“Fellow self-organized working folks of the International. Your representatives just made a historic commitment that deserves an announcement. Some of you, particularly my friends in the Anarcho-Syndicalist Front, have been waiting for this moment for years. We've come far in the last few decades, and our biggest danger now is sitting on our asses, falling into complacency. But I'm proud to say that my fellow congresspeople are still standing strong.* *“Henceforth, it will be the policy of the Revolutionary Syndicalist International that all member-unions set as a concrete objective the self-management of their every workplace. Workers councils are not a privilege reserved for liberated territory: They are the birthright of every worker, and now is the time to claim it! For every union that has an equilibrium with the owners and management, it is time to shatter it! You may have a good contract now, but there's no telling when you'll lose it. You may have good managers now, but there's no telling when they'll get replaced by thugs. As long as the bosses have power, you can never know when they'll stop playing nice and throw a punch that'll knock the wind out of you and your union.* *“Some of you already know this, because you have to fight management tooth and nail for every little concession. A whole lot of you have been fighting for self-management anyways, and I tip my hat to you and your courageous struggle. But for the others, like my craft unionist friends in Alleghany: Don't be fooled. Until you win the right to run the workplace democratically, until you kick the bosses out and pull the managers off their horses, until every one of your workshops and factories and farms is a self-managing worker-owned cooperative...there can be no lasting peace and no lasting justice.* *“We all know that different places will need different approaches to this goal. It's not Congress' job, thank goodness, to tell you how exactly to run your campaigns. Some of you will be able to win self-management without breaking the law, buying out your owners or using the courts to expel them. Some of you will have to take nonviolent direct action, seizing the means of production for yourselves and occupying your workplaces until the bosses cave in, maybe even setting up your councils and running production right then and there, legalities be damned. That's what we managed in Cournaille, after all. But some of you, at some point or another, may have to rely on force of arms. In that, rest assured that the Revolutionary Guard and your comrade People's Militias are ready to assist you.* *“It is up to each member-union to decide what tactics are necessary to achieve this next step towards World Syndicalism, but the goal is clear and we must go after it in Unity. No alliances with bosses, no settling for bullshit contracts, and no rest until we've taken authority over our work for ourselves!”* ### **Present Day - Office of the RSI Spokesperson, People's Proletarian University, Brouges** For a former academic and a syndicalist intellectual, the great People's Proletarian University was the natural location of RSI Spokesperson Jeannette Jaurès' office. Unlike many organizations, the International was loathe to concentrate its leadership in a palace of any sort: The old Ducal Palace had been converted into a complex of apartments and artisanal shops for the masses. Instead, every officer operated from a location of their choice, provided that meetings with one another and attendance at Congress could be arranged. Upon his arrival at the PPU, Gerald Veron had been treated to wine and bread and cheese as well as anything else that could be provided to help him recover from his long and doubtless treacherous journey from halfway across the world. Though he had seldom been much of a partner to the International, he was considered by the faculty at the University to be a naïve but well-meaning comrade in the worlwide revolutionary struggle. Gerald did not have to wait too long for a meeting with the Spokesperson. She was not the type to keep a guest waiting, especially one on such important business. Reports from RSI contacts in Colongo so far had been scattered and inconclusive, but it was clear that there was violence in the streets. Veron was the first reliable source Jaurès would be able to speak with at length. Once Gerald had taken a seat opposite Jeannette's modest desk, she began in somewhat broken but comprehensible Usonian, “It is a relief to see you in good health, Comrade Velon. You have traveled a long way to be here, and I can only imagine that this confirms our worst fears about the situation in Colongo.” Indeed, the UCF going to the RSI for help was one thing, but their most charismatic leader traveling all the way to Brouges was quite another. “I hope you understand, comrade, that we take the struggle against imperialism-colonialism in Colongo very seriously. “The last reliable news we had from fellow syndicalists in the territory was about preparing for a massive demonstration expected to be larger than any before it. Since then the reports have been scant and worrying: Fighting in the streets, tanks rolling over road-blockaders, massacres. So please speak freely: What exactly happened in your homeland, and what can we do to help?”
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