TheEvanCat — Roleplayer Guild

Name: The Republic of Armenia (Armenian: Հայաստանի Հանրապետություն, Hayastani Hanrapetut'yun)

Head of State: President Hasmik Assanian

Location (in purple):

History: 

	The Ottoman Empire hoped for an early cessation to hostilities during the Great War. What they received instead was a brutal slog, fought for over a decade. As with most wars, the issue came down to exhaustion. Trench warfare whittled down the materiel of the Ottoman military, killed its most experienced soldiers, and forced domestic production into feeding the war machine. The Ottoman oil fields were slowly stripped from the empire as the British-backed Arabs continued their marches to independence. Resources that the Ottomans depended upon for fighting in the Middle East were no longer flowing into the factories in significant numbers. Millions of casualties reduced a generation of Turkish men to alarmingly low levels. The empire that had been built for hundreds of years was crumbling before the Sultan’s eyes. Exhaustion crept upwards as it became apparent that all the Ottomans could do now was stop their losses before they became too great.

	The end of the war came as the Ottomans realized that their integrity was worth more than their empire. Long-held Turkish-ethnic policies guided the decision to pull away from the Middle East and the Caucasus and hold the line in the Anatolian homeland. The Ottoman troops were chased, practically, by the rebels of once-oppressed minorities. The war had only worsened existing ethnic tensions, infuriating minority groups. A large group of these Ottoman subjects were Armenian, and often faced the worst treatment. Labeled saboteurs, separatists, and conspirators, Armenians were many times blamed for problems at home. While the Ottoman government never had the dedicated resources available for a full-scale genocide, incidents of abuse and massacre were not uncommon. The Armenians established multiple militias, called the Fedayeen, for home defense against these abuses. While the morality of Fedayeen actions are debated, they are recognized in Armenian culture as heroes.

	The Fedayeen coalesced into an organized revolutionary front after the Independence Council was established in Yerevan. The Independence Council, made up of the leaders of the largest regional Fedayeen groups, drafted their determination for a state of the Armenian people. They established the vision of an ethnic republic, created for the sustainment of Armenians. With that, they elected the leader of the newly-birthed Armenian Separatist Federation: Mikael Serovian. An experienced veteran of the Ottoman military’s ethnically divided Armenian Regiments, Serovian organized the Fedayeen into an ASF central structure and set about the task of clearing Ottoman troops from Armenian lands. From the east to the west, over the course of three years, the Armenian militias engaged in brutal combat with a rapidly-disintegrating Ottoman military. Serovian himself lived to see the end of the war, narrowly escaping death twice as his command camp was hit with artillery.

	Part of the 1929 peace treaty included provisions for ethnic territories carved out of the Ottoman Empire. Armenia received its wish, and was granted its lands extending from the eastern Artsakh forests to the western reaches of Erzincan. Several other neighboring populations received ethnic states as well, forming new neighbors for the country. With the immediate victory of independence over, the Armenian Separatist Front was transitioned to the Armed Forces of Armenia and the Fedayeen were reorganized again into a regular military component. The professionalization of the Armenian military was accomplished over the next years with foreign assistance. Civilian ministries were set up for reconstruction, headed by the Provisional Governor: Serovian. Serovian, the ASF commander-turned-civil politician, was responsible for building the government structure until elections were first held in July of 1930. After Serovian’s victory, he became the first President of the Republic of Armenia.

	President Serovian, a steely-eyed and dedicated leader who never married, was seen as the father of the republic. He spent two terms, a total of ten years, in office handling reconstruction measures. Foreign relations were expanded with the country’s closest ally: Persia, arguing the case for the reception of billions of dollars of foreign aid in exchange for a state to keep the Ottomans from making a return. Serovian spent the money on roads, railroads, ports, and various other facilities that were lacking from Ottoman occupation. A consistent fixture of Armenia’s statehood has been a  to strong military forces despite a small population: a vanguard against reoccupation by a foreign power. Yerevan, over the next few decades, became a bustling city with ever-taller buildings in an effort to show the world Armenia’s success. Propaganda extolled the virtues of the Armenian work effort and a dedication to claw their way back from the being trapped beneath the Ottoman heel. While Serovian’s solid tenure as President provided a base for years to come, he had a fair part to play in wasteful spending and the establishment of Armenia’s foreign debt.

	In the twenty years since Serovian stepped down from power in 1940, Armenia grew to become a solid state amidst a region so-often fraught with conflict. The Ottoman Empire began their own campaign of reconstruction after the war, fueling Armenia’s own militarism and nationalism that continues to penetrate its culture. In 1946, the Armenian military was put to the test again as the free state of Azerbaijan began mobilizing against the Artsakh: a dispute over territory and ethnic ownership that had boiled over after years of debate. A year of conflict ensued as the black forests of the Artsakh were turned into warzones against an invading Azeri military. The conflict produced heavy casualties on both sides and was stopped only by the intervention of the Persian imperial forces, who later occupied and annexed Azerbaijan. The war effected some degree of cynicism and concern amongst the general public, who worried that a war with the Ottomans would not go as well. Political factions amongst the Armenian parliament bickered until the next election, where a new President was elected. This President would serve until 1960.

	Armenia’s second crisis came in the wake of the 1952 assassination of Russia’s tsar. The Russian state, earlier too busy to deal with Armenia, fell apart and collapsed into dozens of small states. These states, particularly in the Caucasus, were often failing to provide basic security or services to their people. Criminals, militias, drug traffickers, and pirates all based out of the former Russian states. These posed a significant border threat to Armenia: militias would attack the border, pirates would attack shipping, and methamphetamine was poised to eclipse hashish as the top-selling drug in the country. Russian refugees streamed across the border, crowding into towns and ghettos and forming Russian communities in cities. The President, a hardliner by the name of Joseph Vadratian, had become popular after the Artsakh War. He declared that Russian refugees must earn their place, and instituted policies that encouraged the employment of Russian workers in jobs like construction, mining, agriculture, factories, and other laborious occupations. These workers were paid very little and often mistreated, causing resentment amongst the Russian communities and a divide between them and the Armenians. Criminals, most infamously in Sevan, exploited that, and the Russian Mafia became a powerful figure in Armenian crime.

	The Armenia of 1960 is resurgent, proud, and building what seems to be a prosperous future. Forty years of independence has treated the Armenian people better than they could have imagined. A new generation knows only the Armenian state, and the tales of Ottoman occupation are quickly becoming bedtime stories. However, external conflict with the Ottomans or Armenia’s failing neighbors looms over the relatively young state. A demographic crisis with attached crime and societal issues is just beginning, just as the hardliners find their way out of office and the political scene of Armenia is due for a shakeup. It is May, and an election is approaching next month between an increasingly unpopular Vadratian and his more liberal opponent: Hasmik Assanian. Armenia, the leader of the post-Ottoman resurgence, faces tough times ahead.

Roleplay Information:

1: Presidential candidate Hasmik Assanian prepares for a campaign rally on internal issues as election day draws nearer. A patrol of Armenian border guards comes under attack by Georgian militants and are found by Corporal Yaglian.
2: A Russian teenager is found murdered with an automatic weapon by the Gyumri police department. Corporal Yaglian witnesses the funeral of the fallen patrol as rumors of a revenge attack circulate.
3: Jon Korkarian prepares for final examinations at the Hrazdan University of Industry. Assanian prepares his cabinet as election day nears. Captain Sarkisian prepares to head underway with a shipment of gold from Trabzon.
4: A Mafiya hit squad takes out an informant in Sevan after a cash stockpile was disclosed to the police. Yaglian is briefed of a long-awaited retaliation raid across the Georgian border. Tigran investigates the Gyumri murders further and tracks down a missing soldier connected to an arms deal.
5: The Armenian election culminates with Assanian taking the majority vote, and he prepares for the new office. A logger is killed in an accident the Artsakh, leaving a widow, Mary Kandarian, in his wake.
6: Border Service troops attack a bandit encampment inside Patara Darbazi, Georgia, sustaining casualties and paving the way for a future response from the Georgian Mountain Wolves.
7: Captain Sarkisian's ship arrives in Odessa at the end of their route. President Hasmik Assanian is inaugurated in Yerevan. Jon Korkarian starts his summer work at a tank factory in Hrazdan.
8: Police in Gyumri make progress in their investigation, but are called out to a suspected arson in the Russian ghetto of the city.
9: Mary prepares to bury her husband in accordance with Armenian funeral rites. President Assanian meets with Director Moysisian to be briefed on the Georgia Plan.
10: Mikael and Hagop handle a laundromat owner who disrespected them. Assanian meets with the Council to get guidance on the Georgia Plan.
11: Jon evaluates a landship at the mechanized proving grounds in Hrazdan, and discovers firsthand the life of a tanker.
12: Assanian, Idratian, and Prime Minister Antabian plan the Georgia Plan's route through Parliament. Captain Sarkisian's ship comes under attack off the coast of Sochi.
13: Mary seeks assistance from the town of Aygestan as her savings wear thin in the wake of Gor's death.
14: Jon meets Farah in a bar in downtown Hrazdan. Natalia and Anton parachute into Sochi to search for Sarkisian's crew. Assanian's Georgia Plan goes through its final vote in parliament.
15: Yaglian's company prepares to move into Georgia on the eve of the invasion. A nighttime movement into patrol bases establishes the first Armenian presence in the southern part of the country.
16: Mikael and Hagop travel to Baku in Persian-occupied Azerbaijan to pay a visit to their gunsmith and acquire weapons for the Mafiya.
17: Yaglian's unit begins to patrol their sector as Armenian troops suppress a newly-formed insurgency. Natalia and Anton relay their information to the Armenian Navy's rescue party. Hovik Idratian visits the rural countryside in Nakhichevan.
18: Jon is activated to serve in a military investigation of defective manufacturing that is causing casualties in the Georgian War. The NSS move to secure the Breadwinner as the Armenian Navy pushes towards rescuing hostages from the Sochi pirates.

Politicians:

- Hasmik Assanian: An Armenian politician and veteran of the military service, belonging to the Armenian Liberal Democratic Party. A notably moderate liberal candidate, he maintains that Armenian unity and nationalism is compatible with immigration and seeks to solve the country's internal issues related to this. At the same time, his focus increasingly turns to foreign affairs as Turkish threats emerge on the horizon. Introduction.

- Joseph Vadratian: The former president, serving five years and building a reputation of being tough on immigrants, foreign threats, and other perceived dangers to the Armenian state. After losing a tense election, he still holds major clout in the government opposition party. Introduction.

- Hovik Idratian: The Vice-President of Armenia, hailing from Western Armenia. A known reformist famous in his hometown for advocating for their often-forgotten provinces, he is a skilled politician and a well-liked figure by the poorer base. Introduction.

- Mikael Serovian: The first President of Armenia and a heroic Fedayeen commander. He is one of the last surviving members of the Council, the original leaders of the revolution. Currently, he spends his life studying knowledge and offering guidance to Armenian politicians. Introduction.

- Serzh Antabian: The Prime Minister of Armenia. A longtime veteran of the Armenian Liberal Democratic Party, he enjoys considerable sway in the Armenian Parliament. He is a valuable asset to the Assanian administration, tasked with ensuring legislation passes through his branch of government. Introduction.

- Armen Tsaghzian: The leader of the Independence Party, the primary opposition party in parliament. Once renowned as a defender of traditional conservative politics, he has been rattled by a series of political scandals and defections inside his own party. Introduction.

- Philip Babovian: The leader of the Armenian Liberal Democratic Party. He made his name as the apprentice of Serzh Antabian, he followed in the now-Prime Minister's footsteps to become head of the parliament's majority party. Introduction.

Military/Police:

- George Yaglian: A volunteer border guardsman originating from Yerevan, Yaglian is a knowledgeable, if sometimes unprofessional, frontiersman. Known for his taste in music and his sharp tongue, Yaglian leads a team of soldiers as the situation on the Georgian border deteriorates. Introduction.

- Tigran Korkarian: Korkarian is one of the older police officers in the Gyumri police department and a veteran of the police throughout Armenia's modern incarnation as a country. He works to deal with security in Russian neighborhoods as ghettos emerge around the city and ethnic crime rises in Armenia. Widely considered to be something of a sage, Tigran uses his wisdom as he dives deeper into the emerging crisis. Introduction.

- Aram Ozanian: A veteran of the Artsakh War, Aram Ozanian was a platoon sergeant responsible for the failed defense of Khojaly. After the loss of his platoon, Ozanian was demoted and reassigned to the northern border where he took command of a section. He seems the border skirmishing as a way to redeem himself after the war. Introduction.

- Marko Moysisian: The Director of the National Security Service. A hawkish, questionably-moral intelligence operative with a relatively unknown past, he runs the the NSS with efficiency even if what he does it not totally known by the government. He is the architect of the Georgia Plan and Armenia's style of foreign intervention. Introduction.

- Natalia Dadeshvili: A female NSS operative based out of the Armenian Poti base specializing in fieldwork. She is skilled in reconnaissance and intelligence gathering and was deployed to Sochi to hunt for Captain Sarkisian and his crew after their capture by pirates. Introduction.

- Anton Kapanian: Natalia's partner operative at the NSS base in Poti. Drawn from the ranks of military marksmen, he is tasked out for reconnaissance and sometimes high-risk assassinations in foreign countries. Introduction.

- Victor Maghakian: The founder of Armenia's naval infantry force: an Armenian-American originally from Chicago, he took ideals from the United States back to Armenia following the civil war there. He is a ruthless proponent of action and intervention and a diehard defender of his branch despite parliamentary inquiries to the contrary. Introduction.

- Harry Kizirian: A senior NCO in the Armenian naval infantry. Known for being a supporter of Colonel Maghakian and his marine force. Another Armenian-American who came to Armenia to support the fledgling naval infantry force projection. Introduction.

Industry:

- Joseph Sarkisian: A ship captain running the Trabzon-Sevastopol commerce route, usually transporting Armenian gold to Europe. A veteran seaman, he has seen through the expansion of Armenian maritime presence and routinely tackles piracy in the Black Sea. Introduction.

- Andrei Bagruntsian: A manager in the Hrazdan-based Tsaghkadzor Heavy Industry Plant. He is Jon Korkarian's boss and head of the military equipment refit program for the Armenian military. He is known at the factory for his sense of humor and shrewd deal-making skills that often lead to new contracts for his department. Introduction.

- Nikol Calrissian. The owner of Aygestan's logging camp. Once the manager of Gor Kandarian's logging team, his profit-motivated refusal to cover his workers' injuries led to the widows' calls for action. Introduction.

Crime:

- Hagop Malkhasian: A low-level gangster in the Sevan Mafiya, often tasked with "dirty work" that involves drug smuggling and murder. Good friends with Mikael Kataev, a Russian immigrant. He is routinely under the influence of something, and uses it to get through the questionably-moral activities of the Mafiya. Introduction.

- Mikael Kataev: One of the Russian members of the Sevan Mafiya, used as a translator and enforcer in Russian neighborhoods. Roommates with an good friends with Hagop Malkhasian, he experiences life and crime in Armenia as an ethnically Russian immigrant. Introduction.

- Ashraf Herati: An infamous Afghan gunsmith working out of Baku in Persian Azerbaijan. He produces weapons that the Sevan Mafiya smuggles into the country. Introduction.

- Muhammad Zahir: Ashraf Herati's assistant and protege. He directly coordinates the trafficking and smuggling of weapons to Armenia and accompanies Mikael Kataev and Hagop Malkhasian on their trips to the border. Introduction.

People:

- Jon Korkarian: Something of an average student studying at the Hrazdan University of Industry. Like most of his peers, he enjoys the campus lifestyle of drinking instead of studying. Despite this, he is being groomed as the manager of a new generation of business ties with close Armenian allies, such as Persia. Introduction.

- Mary Kandarian: The widow of a logger killed in an accident. Frustrated at what happened to her husband and fearing for the well-being of her family, Mary begins a movement to push for increased workers' rights under the Assanian presidency. Introduction.

- Thomas Deradoorian: The pastor of the Aygestan Armenian Apostolic church. In the wake of Gor Kandarian's death, he provided religious support to Mary on her journey to Yerevan and foray into politics. Introduction.

- Mike Sinanian: An Armenian-American from Los Angeles who made his way back to Armenia after the Second American Civil War. He started his own business in Hrazdan, a bar, from imported American luxury goods like beer and cigarettes. One of Jon's friends in the city. Introduction.

- Farah Kalantari: A Persian student studying industry in Armenia. One of the first women to become educated in a field like management in her home country, she becomes involved with Jon as their paths cross at school in Hrazdan. Introduction.

- Vasif Shahbuzi: The mayor of a small town on the outskirts of Nakhichevan in the south of Armenia. He is an advocate for rural politics and his small but dedicated constituency. Introduction.

Country Information:

Provinces of Armenia

	Armenia has thirty-five provinces (Armenian: մարզեր, marzer) located inside its borders. Thirteen are located in West Armenia, the historical homeland of Armenians living in Anatolia. Fourteen more are located in the more dense East Armenia, the traditional Caucasian territories spanning from the Georgian to the Persian border. East of this, the Artsakh region is divided into eight separate provinces for administrative purposes. However, these regions are rather informal and the provinces form the basis of official Armenian administration.

	Each province maintains its own local government and ministers responsible for internal affairs. Elections determine these local government leaders, and national elections are heavily based in local electoral mechanisms. These provinces are sized and determined according to local population and culture, and censuses are reported every ten years to provide data for administration. Each province is further subdivided into municipalities (Armenian: համայնքներ, hamaynkner) or small municipal communities consisting of a town and its surrounding land. Traditional Armenian life has been based in villages and towns, so the government structure of the hamaynk reflects that. These communities maintain their own police forces, fire departments, town governments, and other administrative features that are managed by the province. They practice a form of direct democracy at town hall meetings for local issues, while larger provincial and national elections are handled with representative voting managed by the municipality.

Armenian Provincial Map

Demographics of Armenia

National Ethnic Demographics

	Armenia was founded as an ethnic-Armenian state, formed around Armenian communities in the former Ottoman Empire. As such, there has historically been a limited amount of diversity. This, coupled with Armenian society's conservatism towards foreign immigration, has resulted in a large overall percentage of citizens being of Armenian descent. Ethnic groups are prominent in certain parts of the country, however: Azerbaijanis make up a significant portion of Nakhchivan and the Artsakh's communities, while Georgians occupy the northern border. Recent years have brought an influx of Russians into the Armenian state, forming immigrant communities in major cities: these are mostly ghettos of working-class immigrants. Token populations of smaller ethnic groups include Yazidis, mostly descendants of refugees from Ottoman persecution who live in West Armenia. Kurdish tribes can still be found in the southwest, particularly around Lake Van. Greek seafarers and merchants reside along the coast, along with Assyrian populations.

National Ethnic Diversity, 1960 Census

Ethnic Group --- Percentage

Armenian --- 81.8%
Russian --- 5.3%
Azerbaijani --- 4.9%
Assyrian --- 2.1%
Georgian --- 1.5%
Yazidi --- 1.2%
Greek --- 1.0%
Kurdish --- 0.9%
Persian --- 0.7%
Jewish --- 0.3%
Other --- 0.3%

National Religious Demographics

	Religion in Armenia follows very closely to ethnicity: there are very few Armenians who belong to sects of Christianity other than the Armenian Church, and even fewer still who are non-Christian. However, populations of Catholics and Evangelicals makes up large minorities in the Armenian state. The influx of Russian migrants has brought many followers of Russian Orthodoxy to Armenia, mostly concentrated to their neighborhoods in the northern cities. Due to the large Azerbaijani presence still in the Artsakh, particularly in larger cities like Stepanakert and Shushi that have a history of religious and ethnic mixing, there is a significant Shia Islam minority. Jews exist in extremely small numbers, even behind identified non-believers, never having immigrated to Armenia in the first place. It is important to note that due to the pressures of conservative Armenian society, many identify as belonging to the Armenian Apostolic Church despite falling more in line with agnosticism.

National Religious Diversity, 1960 Census

Religious Group --- Percentage

Armenian Apostolic --- 83.5%
Russian Orthodox --- 4.5%
Other Christian --- 4.9%
Shia Islam --- 5.0%
Other --- 1.0%
Irreligious --- 0.8%
Judaism --- 0.3%

National Assembly of Armenia:

	The National Assembly of Armenia (also known as the Parliament) is a unicameral body with 101 seats, as outlined in the Armenian Constitution. Elections are held every five years coinciding with the Presidential election. Elections are outlined much in the same way as executive elections, and seats are allocated based on region. The Parliament is responsible for the introduction and passing of legislature, as long as it passes through the Presidency as well. Most decisions are voted on by simple majority, but some higher-profile issues and drastic decisions need to have two-third majorities in order to pass. The Parliament building is located in Yerevan.

	Party leaders from both the ruling and opposition party are also important figures in Armenian politics. A party leader from each party is elected from serving members of Parliament, who works alongside the most-senior member of each party. They lead and manage the parties on debate and legislation, approving or denying policy along with talking to the Prime Minister to advise them on the political situation of Parliament.

Parliamentary Electoral Diagram, June 1960

Purple: Liberal Democratic Party (43)
Teal: Independence Party (35)
Blue: Revolutionary Party (11)
Orange: Enforcement Party (10)
Red: Communist Party (2)

Parties:

- Armenian Liberal Democratic Party: The most powerful of the leftist parties in Armenian parliament, having gained a large support among the immigrant population and those sympathetic to their plight. Often focusing on socialist or socially progressive policies. While foreign policy has taken a back seat to internal issues, the ALDP still focuses on Armenian nationalism and self-determination against the threat of Turkey. Hasmik Assanian was the presidential candidate for 1960.

- Independence Party: A more rightist, ultranationalist party focusing on Armenian national spirit that came into power following a demographic crisis that emerged after the death of the Russian tsar in 1952. A general atmosphere of fear and uncertainty, especially after military defeats in the Artsakh, was capitalized on during election season. President Joseph Vadratian was elected in 1955 to heavy-handedly deal with the problem, but ended up exacerbating issues and causing a general frustration amongst his voting base. By 1960, the Independence Party had become unpopular and were rapidly losing power.

- Revolutionary Party: Similar to the Independence Party, the Revolutionary Party is a nationalist party that focuses solely on preserving the politics of the ASF Council and the original constitutional intent. They oppose actions that they feel are not written explicitly into the country's founding documents and try to keep legislation close to what they feel the Council would approve.

- Foreign Enforcement Party: The Enforcement Party's solution to Armenia's issues is to focus on foreign affairs and the external causes, and heavily advocate policy that involves sending Armenians across the borders to foreign countries to "take the fight away from the Fatherland." While heavy-handed foreign policy responses are generally a minority opinion, they maintain a respectable number of swing seats in the Parliament.

- Armenian Communist Party: A minority Communist element that has found traction in limited areas, mostly those with heavy disenfranchised populations of Russians. While a struggling underdog in Armenian politics, they are seen as a serious threat by politicians fearing its spread and the Communists oftentimes face thinly-veiled attempts to subdue their power.

Executive Government of Armenia:

	The Presidency is the head of the executive branch of the Armenian government. Elected every five years and serving without a two-term limit to minimize corruption and political complacency, the President is the Armenian head of state. They act as the commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces of Armenia, as well as the decider on domestic and foreign policy. They maintain a cabinet of specialists who head each of the Armenian government's ministries on specific issues, who advise him on policy and offer input for the passing of legislation. This legislation is voted on by Parliament and approved by the President, who manages the execution of new laws and policy. At any time, the President is subject to review and vote by other members of the government and by the Armenian people, checked by the Constitution that was written by the founders of the state.

	Leadership in the executive branch also consists of a Prime Minister, who is selected from the governing party. They identify and select members of the executive cabinet to be sent for a final appointment by the President, and appoint other minor postings in the government. In keeping with a semi-presidential system of government, the Prime Minister works closely with the President and his administration. They chair the cabinet and offer political advice to the President, coordinating the executive branch with the Parliament. The Vice-President also works alongside the President, but he focuses more on the administration and management of government in a bureaucratic sense, whereas the Prime Minister is more responsible with government in a political sense. The Vice-President is also a representative of the President who speaks for the office when the President is otherwise occupied, making the Vice-President a popular figure in more rural areas such as West Armenia or the Artsakh.

Ministries and Ministers of the Armenian Government:

Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Minister Nikol Mooradian
Ministry of Internal Affairs - Minister Jordan Terosian
Ministry of Finance - Minister Andrei Karsian
Ministry of Justice - Minister John Antonian
Ministry of Agriculture - Minister Moses Proshian
Ministry of Health - Minister Mikael Mikaelian
Ministry of Education - Minister Drake Pashinian
Ministry of War - Minister Yegishe Eminian
Ministry of Development - Minister Alex Petrosian
Ministry of Infrastructure - Minister Mark Sisakian
Ministry of Energy - Minister Gagik Oshakanian

Election Information:

	Armenian political elections at the national and marz (province) level are two-run systems that require a candidate to have the majority vote (above 50%) to win, even if there are more than two candidates. If no candidates have a majority vote in the first round, the top two candidates are chosen for a run-off election later. Voting is handled by the hamaynkner (equivalent to counties or townships.) These votes are counted locally and passed up to the marzer, where they are passed up to the national level. Accusations of fraudulent voting are handled at the local level where presumably the local authorities personally know the situation better. These accusations are handled quickly with the police resources at hand and votes are set back in order. However, these events rarely occur on wide scales or cause large controversies over the legitimacy of candidates.

Armenian Foreign Policy:

	It is the stated goal of Armenian foreign policy to protect and safeguard its status as a sovereign state. Its foreign policy attempts to balance this with a need for external assistance with reconstruction and free trade. Foreign policy shifts between two schools of thought: Russo-centric and Turk-centric. While Russo-centric foreign policy has only emerged in the last decade as a response to the collapse of the Russian Empire, it has been a priority in several administrations. Turk-centric foreign policy, while important before, is becoming less important as Armenian politicians realize that the Ottomans still occupy the title of "sick man of Europe" and cannot mount as much of an existential threat anymore. While the threat posed by the Ottomans is seen as outdated, the regular military is focused on a conventional fight with the Turks while paramilitary services like the Border Service are involved with more guerrilla-style operations in Georgia. Armenia, however, maintains positive relations with several regional states.

Armenian-Ottoman Relations:

	The official policy of Armenia recognizes the current state of Turkey, but not the territories of the Ottoman Empire as is claimed in Istanbul. Aside from that, there are no embassies in either country and the border exists as a heavily fortified demarcation line known as the Orange Line (named after the color on the Armenian flag.) This is a stretch of no-man's-land lined with trenches, artillery, prepositioned armored units, and military forces who constantly patrol for Turkish aggression. There is no trade, cooperation, or any sort of international dialogue between the two countries. While a peace treaty was signed that ceded territory to the former Ottoman states, their relations were never normalized. Many in Armenia still believe the Turks to be a mortal enemy of sorts, an existential threat that is poised to return if they become strong enough. Conspiracies surrounding Turkish proxy parties are prominent in Armenian government, particularly in regards to ethnically Turkish militias Persian Azerbaijan or Sunni Muslim bandits in Georgia.

	Since the 1929 treaty, there have been at least three major skirmishes along the Orange Line.

Armenian-Persian Relations:

Armenian-Georgian Relations:

Armenian-Assyrian Relations:

Armenian-Ukrainian Relations:

Armenian-Greek Relations:

Armenian-Russian Relations:

- Mostly just memes and shit

Military Categorization System:

	The Armenian military utilizes a category system in order to determine the training, equipment, and personnel that a specific type of unit receives. The five categories are laid out by parliamentary vote and budgeted accordingly in an annual military spending review. Specific caps and authorizations are given to the service leaders, who in turn make their own decisions about which units to classify and where they go. While this is not an all-encompassing procedure and the categories differ depending on service, the armed forces have been standardized and professionalized to a point where the classification is a good indicator of unit readiness, experience, and status.

Categories:

- Category A (Armenian: Կատեգորիա Ա, Kategoria Ayn): The most elite regular units in the Armenian military. These men are usually volunteer and career military personnel, or at least volunteers for a selection course to a number of noted units. Comparatively, they receive much more money and training time and their facilities are generally better. On the tactical and operational level, many of the junior and company grade officers are graduates of foreign military academies like West Point or the Academia General Militar. Equipment for these units varies based on mission set, but advanced weaponry like automatic assault rifles and infrared night-vision searchlights or personal protective gear like ballistic nylon body armor and the wide-spread adoption of camouflaged fatigues are prioritized to this category. Category A units are usually based to prepare for a conflict with the Ottoman Turks.

- Category B (Armenian: Կատեգորիա Բ, Kategoria Ben): The vast majority of regular Army units. Category B troops consist mostly of conscripts with a more limited leadership of career or volunteer personnel. They usually serve two year National Service tours, contributing to a lower retention rate and a lower overall professionalism and readiness status. While they lack in elite capabilities, Category B units are more prepared for conventional en masse attacks with combined arms assets such as tanks or air support. These troops are equipped with "standard issue" semi-automatic rifles and carbines, along with rudimentary steel helmets and unarmored load-bearing harnesses. Despite their shortcomings, training standards are adhered to and produce qualified soldiers. Also included within this category are Border Service troops and related laterally-organized military organizations.

- Category G (Armenian: Կատեգորիա Գ, Kategoria Gim): The reserve component of the Armenian military. Category G soldiers are inactive conscripts who have finished their two year term of service and maintain readiness as part of their six year service in the reserve component. These soldiers maintain equipment in their personal residences and train during bi-annual blocks for two weeks at a time. They are on call to be mobilized in the event of conflict or crisis (including civil crises like natural disasters.) Their equipment receives a limited priority unless in case of mobilization, resulting in a widespread adoption of surplus gear. Members of Category G may also become reservists due to medical, religious, educational, or qualified personal reasons. Aside from this, they are regular civilians and focus on their own personal jobs.

- Category D (Armenian: Կատեգորիա Դ, Kategoria Da): These are not formal members of the military, but instead exist as a special "fedayi" organizations. Local, decentralized civil defense groups are formed in most Armenian towns and marzer and do not train to the same standards as Army personnel. Many of these self defense groups consist of older civilians outside of National Service age range and draw upon patriotic Armenian fedayi tradition. These units are never called up for national service and instead are regulated through the Fedayi Management Administration, a civilian service tasked with participant census and arms control measures. In the event of invasion or other dire national emergency, Category D units are expected to form irregular partisan cells to assist the Armenian government in resisting and repelling an adversary.

- Category H (Armenian: Կատեգորիա Հ, Kategoria Ho): Irregular or undefined military forces not described by any other category. Category H units are not budgeted or funded directly by parliament, but instead belong to their parent commands. These units are highly irregular and specialized, oftentimes belonging to the National Security Service to carry out intelligence or covert actions in foreign countries. There is not much released to the public about Category H units' operations, giving their operations a certain veil of secrecy and deniability. Equipping and training of these units varies wildly, but they are generally highly proficient at their assigned tasks. These personnel, especially NSS operators, are not considered military and thus exist in a separate regulatory and legal role from the conventional military categories with considerably leeway and flexibility.
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