You can always rely on Clock to have some weeb magic in the thread.
Chairman Stein
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Some Sorta Seminarian
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- Old Guild Username: Chairman Stein
- Joined: 11 yrs ago
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- Chairman Stein 11 yrs ago
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Most curious. I might join once we see an OOC and maybe a few character sheets so I have an idea of where this is heading.
“Did you get enough love, my little dove
Why do you cry?
And I’m sorry I left, but it was for the best
Though it never felt right
My little Versailles.”
It's been a very mediocre last two weeks. Long story short I lost a best friend due to a lot of ridiculous drama. My own nonsense aside, whenever I'm depressed I generally listen to the entirety of Sufjan Steven's album 'Carrie & Lowell' and this track brings me to tears every single time.
It's about the singer, Sufjan, sitting with his mother as she dies in the hospital. All of the lyrics are, according to Sufjan, the dialogue between him and his mother and it's all just heartbreaking.
The People's Committee of Oslad
The Iron Hundred was not the only organization to gain sympathy and popularity in post-war Oslad. While the Iron Hundred marched proudly in streets and prepared for men to leave the nation to fight in a new foreign conflict, another faction worked in the shadows. In 1889 under the Imperial Cabinet of Tsar Lubomir II, the Worker's Party of Oslad was outlawed and socialist organizations were dismantled in a purge against socialist influence in state and in the working class in the rapidly industrializing Empire. However this did not mean that socialist influence did not creep into the proletarian classes, quite the contrary happened; during the outbreak of the Terrible War Hurzlander socialists aligned with the Hurzland Arbeiter Partei revolted and were subsequently crushed, the sailors of the Sablodne facing the same fate in their own failed leftist uprising in southern Oslad. Thus, there has always been a secretive red influence within the Empire since the ideology came into existence.
The DSSS, continuing well into the reign of Tsar Anton, had down well in keeping the activities of the socialist agitators within Oslad controlled and limited, however with the post-war era giving birth to more radical and agitated populations the situation was growing out of hand. On March 12th the declaration of a People's Committee was revealed, signed by union leadership from over five different illegal unions the 'Workingman's Committee for Change' was founded as an organization aiming for the creation of a 'legitimate socialist organization' to 'enact and defend the rights of workers in the Empire'. Within hours of the declaration a new demand was put onto the table to the Osladian government, accept the Committee's existence and allow non-government unions or face strike. The Tsar was faced with an issue he had not expected. The DSSS was quick to try to cover their failures and began immediate plans for crackdowns across the nation against this new organization with military support if need be. On March 13th the Agrarian Party's hardliner faction in the Duma called for the demands to be met.
"It is a known fact that the Agrarian Front is only that in name. We are a party of Social Democrats who swap hands with Conservatives, Traditionalists, and Liberals who'd see these worker's unions be shut down in reactionary violence. I know and some of my fellow comrades do not endorse the actions of our party leadership and grow discontent with the continued selling of the only leftist party in this Duma to the right. I and the statesmen on this list stand by the Workingman's Committee and demand their recognition as a legitimate party in the coming elections. It is time for change, and that change will never come with the strict regulations put upon this legislature." - Leader of the Agrarian Front's Hardliners, Artyom Abuladze.
Speakers of the Workingman's Committee giving a speech at a factory, circa 1921.
Facing both the threat of a party schism and possible strikes, the Tsar bitterly accepted the demands of the Workingman's Committee. However, non-socialist unions would be given higher priority and recognition than socialist ones when it came time for endorsements for certain parties. Thus, the anti-socialist laws of the 1880s had begun their inevitable repeal. The Iron Hundred decried this action, calling the Tsar a red-sympathizer and continued the boasts of 'The Tsar who kneeled'. While the Workingmen were given the allowance to exist as an organization and form legal unions, they remained barred from the election due to their 'radical stances' and fell into the same camp as the Iron Hundred in political limbo.
The Fire of '21
In the early hours of February 3rd screams and smoke filled the air as the first block succumb to the torrent of flames that spilled from two separate lower class housing complexes in Cherevny. The fire originated in a wayward home for migrants from former Osladian states and War survivors; specifically a fireplace spark lighting a pile of straw on fire. Initially the fire went unnoticed by the residence until smoke had wafted upward to the higher floors, and by that time the entirety of the first floor main room had been set aflame. Quickly those inside who could evacuate did so, however four would subsequently perish in the flames of the first building. Within the hour the flames had spread and even with attempts to control the blaze from civilians and city authorities the block soon was ablaze.
The fire, now known as the Fire of '21, burned for a total of thirty two hours before finally being stamped out by a collective effort of military, civilian, and city personnel. However, by the time the fire had been stopped over 9,500 homes and a square kilometer of infrastructure had been ravished by flames; over twenty thousand citizens of the city were now without homes, some only owning the clothes on their backs. In Oslograd the Patriarchs of the Vorvok Church held massive charity funds to aid the Empire's second largest city, and over a million Osladian lev was donated in the grand effort.
Cherevny, second largest city in Oslad, ablaze. Circa 1921.
The Undeclared War
Military observers to the Ferro-Korenian War flooded High Command and the Imperial Cabinet with reports from the front. Due to mediocre weather Osladian armor sat stagnant in the snow, and the Korenian forces were not at the advantage despite their armored superiority. However, despite these unexpected poor reports the Imperial Cabinet and the Tsar passed immediate legislature, overriding any statements made in the State Duma, to accept the Korenian request for debt and further economic and military measures would be assured in aiding the Korenian Republic. Osladian production lines were given military goods orders continuing well into the summer and soon trains began to fill their cargo lists with rifles, artillery, and equipment destined for Korenia in the coming months. The Empire was, at least unofficially, preparing for war in the east.
The Iron Hundred, ever praising of Korenian Prime Minister Brandel as the 'Father of Modern Centra', began a campaign in early February for the formation of an Osladian volunteer brigade to travel and fight for the Korenian Republic against the 'Ferro Menace'. The call to arms was to all true Osladians to join the 'Hundred Volunteers' and 'bring the fight to the Soroyan dog', and to the bitter and resentful Osladian populace this call was all too pleasing. By March the regiment, known as 'The Iron Fighters', had gained a few thousand Terrible War veterans and Iron Hundred banner-men prepared for their call to arms. Some within the military urged the Tsar to endorse the volunteer regiment and give them Imperial authority to deploy and fight for the Korenians, however the Tsar remained cautious of giving in to the wishes of the fanatical band of nationalists.
Iron Hundred Recruitment Poster depicting an Osladian rifleman watching over the snow-covered front between Korenia and Ferreraia. The text reads, "We're in the trench once again, WHERE ARE YOU?"
Tsar Anton's Southern Ambition
With revitalized interests in Mille-Sessau and being former comrades in arms with the Grand Empire of Survaek, Tsar Anton called upon a meeting of Emperors. The young Tsar wished to meet personally with Emperor Yvor and Empress Alexandra and ponder upon future diplomatic interests the nations all shared with one another.
"During the reign of my father, Tsar Lubomir II; may he rest in the arms of Saint Vorvok, the Osladian Empire fought tooth and nail alongside the Grand Empire of Survaek in a misguided and tragic conflict that caused both of our empires a generation lost to war and a stain forever to harm our reputations as peaceful and just realms. However, under my reign I shall not see the empire of my forefathers to fall to isolationism and internal infighting. We must forever be looking outward to the rest of the world for insight and inspiration, thus is the beauty of our civilized society.
Being a veteran of the Terrible War, and having fought alongside the ferocious and noble Survaekom during those years, I call upon my former brothers in arms to come to the table once again and speak with the intention to create a better future for the generation now in birth within our nations. In addition I call for the revived Empire of Mille-Sessau, already in solidarity with Survaek, to join us in a meeting of royalty. With our mutual influence within western and southern Centra we, as comrades, can forge a peace to last a thousand years in our piece of the world. While the warlords fight in Faresia and the Chiefdoms duke it out for supremacy in the deserts of Serrathia, let us be the model of the new post-war era.
- Tsar Anton I, King of Oslad and Emperor of all Osladians by right of Saint Vorvok."
At home some viewed the Tsar's request as intrusive to a region the Empire had no land or influence in. Iron Hundred spokesman Stannislaus Petrovic decrying the 'Letter to Three Rulers' as improperly titled, calling it the 'Letter of a Child at the Dinner Table'.
'The Cowardly Tsar'
Once it had been made official the Iron Hundred once again made themselves known. Within hours of the Soroyans accepting Oslad's offer about the Romanowan Crisis the courtyard of the State Duma filled with men and women armed with the black armband of the Iron Hundred. Petrovic himself appeared in the crowd, chanting curses to the Duma and the Tsar for betraying Osladian interests and tarnishing the spirit of the nation.
"If that coward we call our Tsar, likely a bastard-born, infertile runt, can't stand up to the sub-humans in Soroya then perhaps real men should take his place in that ivory palace! For hundreds of years the Osladian people have shown their superiority in strength and mind, and yet we now roll over and bow to nations a continent away. The Iron Hundred will not tolerate this cowardice in the face of the enemy and stands with the views of Korenian Prime Minister Brandel! Death to Soroya! Death to the Tangarian horde and freedom to Tarania!"
The nickname the hot-headed speaker gave the Tsar seemed to stick, and for a large portion of the year Tsar Anton had become known as 'The Cowardly Tsar' and 'The Tsar Who Kneeled'. The radical and nationalistic stance taken by the Iron Hundred over the crisis only further spurred their support and it became apparent that if allowed into the coming election they would take a third of the Duma by storm. No matter how one looked at it, the promises made by the Tsar at his crowning were quickly being broken. Meanwhile, the promises by the Iron Hundred seemed more and more honest.
Iron Hundred members marching in Oslograd, January 1921.
The Empire and Korenia
Up until the faltering of the Osladian government, relations between Brandel's Korenia and the Empire had strengthened greatly. However, in a quiet and subtle move, the Korenian state slowly began to back away from the negotiating table with the Empire. It was quite a shock to the Tsar and the Imperial Cabinet to discover that the Korenian Republic seemed to have shrugged off the Empire despite the economic and military aid given to them. Regardless, the Tsar continued unwaveringly supporting the Korenian state and was proud to host the Korenian military high command in showing the Mulnya-205 and the O-265 Strovna. In addition the Tsar and Imperial Cabinet declared complete support of the Korenian Republic against 'the Ferreraian menace'.
Tankers standing next to newly built O-265s before their presentation to the Osladian and Korenian military command, 1921.
While the generals played with their new toys, the diplomats continued to meet at the table despite the set-backs caused by the Romanowan crisis. 5,000 more Dragomov M95 rifles, 20 O-26 Strovnas, and 10 Mulnya-205s were set for delivery starting in February, the stated reason being 'defense'.
Continued expansion of the Imperial Navy
With the mediocre 'launching' of the Omen the Admiralty came together quickly to organize and plan further launching efforts and title any further vessels in order to prevent the 'bad luck' that sailors often spoke of with unnamed vessels. Thus the other submarines were given O-2 through O-4, with O-1 being the title given to the Omen.
Mariners superstition aside, the newly opened embassy in Aville was quick to garner good news for the Empire. Two destroyers, formerly titled "Bearn" and "Calibre", were purchased by the Empire for 4 million Osladian lev. The vessels were expected to arrive in late January flying Imperial colors and under the new names "Semenov" and "Hus".
The Bearn, renamed Semenov, in 1920.
Grand Admiral Dultsev, overjoyed at the revival of the Osladian Imperial Navy, declared publicly on the 22nd of his ambition for a grand naval reconstruction and modernization of the Osladian navy to "rival that of Soroya". Thus far the government has yet to address the issue of naval construction past the current submarine line-up, however the Nautical Bureau continues to work tirelessly on new and modern designs befitting of the new and modern navy.
A Royal Heir
On January 31st it was announced that the Tsarina was pregnant. In a joyous ceremony held in central Oslograd at the Imperial Palace the Tsar, Tsarina, and large portions of Osladian nobility and royalty came from across the fragmented empire to congratulate the royal family on the good news. Thus far the young Tsarina appears to be 2 months pregnant, leading many to believe that the royal couple 'worked' to prove the fertility of the Tsar against the boasts of the Iron Hundred's leadership and opposition.
Crisis in Romanow
The Soroyan demands were heard by the Tsar and the Imperial cabinet, and all involved would have to act carefully and swiftly so as to avoid war. The military high command made their positions clear, the new vessels and the army of Oslad was in no position to face the Soroyans once more, and it would be months before mobilization could even be completed. Thus, a counter-offer was sent to the Soroyan embassy in Oslograd.
- The Osladian Empire shall pull from the Romanow Islands. However, neither Oslad nor Soroya may lay claim to the territory or commit military buildup upon the Island.
- The Romanowan Navy shall be split between the Islands and the Osladian Empire, as some of the vessels the Romanowans own formerly belonged to the Imperial Navy.
- The Osladian Empire shall not break the restrictions put in place by the Treaties of Parma or Sikea or face immediate declarations of war.
Tsar Anton himself signed off on the offer, and the entire cabinet waited cautiously for the Soroyan reply...
While diplomacy went underway, Osladian soldiers manned the coastal defenses on Romanow cautiously, awaiting a formal declaration of war from either side of the tense situation. Meanwhile the revived Osladian navy took to coastal patrols and watched outwardly towards the endless ocean, waiting for the moment Soroyan steamer smoke would fill the distant sky.
Romanowan Coastal Gun, circa 1919.
Pens in Winter
With winter fast approaching and the streets of Oslograd quickly piling with mounds of white snow, the Empire's diplomatic missions continued unopposed. The Osladian Empire continued to solidify her relations with Korenia, vowing to aid her economically when the state required it. In addition the Empire confirmed its ambitions of forging a full alliance with the Republic in the future, even going as far to give official recognition to the new government of the Republic and condemn the 'agitators' who continued to protest and scheme against Prime Minister Brandel.
The Osladian Embassy in Korenia.
In early November the Tsar personally visited the Chaegon Empire, wishing to speak directly with the fellow monarch about the current state of affairs on the continent and future political ambitions and endeavors between the two empires. Shortly thereafter the Osladian Empire gave public approval of the Chaegon Empire's war against Pozzoulli, stating the region as rightfully Chaegons.
From the Osladian Embassy in Kalpia telegrams were sent back and forth between Ambassador to Kalpia Yavor Fedoruk and the Kalpian Foreign Minister. On December 15th it was confirmed that the Osladian Empire had indeed begun a trade agreement with the Kalpian Republic in an attempt to warm relations between the two states. Back in Oslad the military high command rejoiced at the opportunity to finally test and mettle with the infamous Kalpian armor that had been produced over the previous few years, hoping to even use the Kalpian design for future Osladian projects if given the opportunity. In return O-26s and new Mulnya-201s would be sent to the Kalpian state in spring of next year.
Since the early 1910s the Osladian embassy in the ethnically rich Empire of Mille-Sessau's capital of Aville had been predominantly empty. However, in early September the wires came to life once more and the telegrams were manned by jittery work hands under the watchful and precarious eye of Lord Korneli Fronczak of Novacek. The aging ambassador was a former Boletarian nobleman who, up until the Terrible War, was rightfully lord of the entire Novacek region by Tsarist declaration. However with the formation of the Boletarian Republic and the discovery of Fronczak's Osladian bias the old Lord was exiled. Now he found himself far more south than he ever wanted to travel, and took this unfortunate anger out upon both his staff and his work.
Lord Korneli Fronczak of Novacek, circa 1915.
March to the Polls
Starting in November the political parties destined to battle it out in the Duma election of 1921 raced to the polls in the hopes of getting the attention of the working Osladian. The Agrarian Front's leading man and Hurzlander Tilmann Arendt was quick to travel to the agricultural centers of the nation, standing upon a soap box of potatoes and preaching of the plight of the every man. Meanwhile the Union Party marched through the streets of Oslograd with the Patriarchs of the Vorovok Church of the Saint.
However, while the official parties marched and protested, the ineligible parties did very much the same. The Iron Hundred, bitter over their lack of notice by the Tsar's 'soroyan puppet' government protested in Oslograd. The protests by the Iron Hundred took place throughout the nation and were predominantly organized by second hand of the Hundred, Stanislaus Petrovic. Petrovic had become a strong public speaker and known for robust and flamboyant speeches cursing the enemies of Pan-Osladianism and even those of the same culture, especially the Tangarians whom he viewed a inferior genetically.
Second in Command of the Iron Hundred and avid Pan-Osladian, Stannislaus Petrovic.
While Petrovic had become the frontal figure of the Iron Hundred and often was seen as the actual leader, the shadow leader and founder Tamás Apse continued to work from behind the scenes. Apse had settled for this role reversal as a necessary change to the party and took well to instead writing speeches, manifests, and pamphlets that would be spread across the nation calling for action by the common man to reunite his culture and nation against 'inferior' aggressors, where ever they hide.
The First Step
Romanowan Destroyer Krakovic, renamed to Antoniv, sailing just off shore, circa 1920.
Romanowan Destroyer Krakovic, renamed to Antoniv, sailing just off shore, circa 1920.
In late August, after a week and a half of closed door discussions, Romanowan foreign minister Avgust Olegovich Sharapov returned to his home isle with word to the Duke of the Islands, Lukyan IV, with the Osladian offer. After consideration Duke Lukyan accepted Tsar Anton's offer to once again rejoin the Osladian Empire. Though this technically broke the restrictions put upon the Empire in the Treaty of Parma, few Osladians seemed to hold issue with the Romanowan Islands rejoining the Empire. In return for their loyalty and naval assistance, the Romanow family would keep their titles upon the island and continue to rule as they always have, and very little was expected to truly change in the average Romanowan's life. However, in days immediately following this declaration the streets Sarasov filled with new garrison units shipped in from the mainland of the Empire. In a public declaration the Duke of the Romanows stated that, in the face of Soroyan diplomatic aggression, it is best for the Islands to rejoin the Empire and support Tsar Anton so as to defend the Romanowan way of life. Foreign Minister Sharapov has once again returned to Oslograd and is expected to begin a new position as a diplomat and official with the Office of Foreign Affairs starting in January, 1921.
The Treaty of Sikea
Despite apparent transgressions committed by the Empire that violate the Treaty of Parma, Prime Minister Demian Selidov has once again shipped off from Oslograd aboard the Osladian Light Cruiser Cybulka to attend the signing of the Treaty of Sikea. Before departing the aging Prime Minister stated the following.
"As Oslad once again rises to her feet we must step into the forefront of diplomacy and politics as well. We, like many of those who have suffered losses in the previous years, wish to put the past behind us and enter a new era of peace and stability for the entire continent. Thus, Tsar Anton and the Duma feel it is the duty of our government to sign the Treaty of Sikea with our Soroyan brothers. Both for the good of Oslad, and for all civilized peoples."
Many political analysts look at the recent decision by the State Duma and the Tsar as a way of saving face to prevent their Parma violation from disgracing them to fellow Centran powers. However it stands regardless, as far as the Empire has shown, they wish to begin anew and will work with their former enemies to ensure the longevity of peace.
-- The Osladian Empire signs the Treaty of Sikea
A Royal Heir & The Duma
With the Tsar's 31st birthday approaching in July gossip has risen involving the lack of an Imperial heir. If, for whatever reason, the Tsar does not produce a son - or daughter- the heir apparent would fall to the Tsar's uncle, Andrev. Some have even speculated the Tsarina to be infertile and thus unable to produce a royal heir. However, as of current there remains no evidence of any rumors.
Court gossip aside, the political landscape of the Osladian Empire continued to face changes as Tsar Anton stepped further and further away from his father's legacy and continued to carve his own policies. With the reintegration of the Romanowan Islands to the Empire the issue of recognition in the Duma came to view. With that came the question 'Is the Duma truly even important'? Discussion within the Imperial Cabinet was a mess at best. The traditionalists still within Tsar Anton's cabinet decried the Duma as simply a branch of legislature to keep the common folk from revolting. While the more libertarian and republicanist elements of the Cabinet pressured the young Tsar to begin integrating the Duma truly as a legislative branch of government and host more free elections. At last in mid September, a decision was made.
Starting in March of the following year a new election for the State Duma would be held and the newly elected officials would work with the Tsar's cabinet to establish a new constitution for the Osladian Empire. While this enraged the truly monarchist elements of the government and some of the nobility, others rejoiced at the liberal decision and the idea of moving forward with a new and modern constitution to fit the era the Empire was now entering. However, in the election only three parties would be allowed into the Duma for the first electoral period. Starting in 1926 parties would be far more open and a more diverse Duma would be permissible. The allowed parties were the liberal opposition named 'The Liberal Democratic Coalition, the conservative & monarchist 'Union', and finally the social democratic 'Agrarian Front'.
Following these declarations Oslograd was shook by hundreds of protesters from the Iron Hundred. While the protest itself remained peaceful, the Iron Hundred proved to be an annoyance for the general populace of Oslograd as entire streets become impassable as black shirted men and women marched chanting rhetoric calling the Imperial Cabinet corrupt and 'Soroyan bought pig-dogs'. However despite the protest the Tsar remained steadfast in his statement that the Iron Hundred, like the reds, would have to wait until the Duma had been stabilized and prepared for the introduction of more radical elements of Osladian society. Needless to say, the Iron Hundred was not pleased by this.
The State Duma in Oslograd, circa 1921.
Sold some tanks.
I've been following the race but, especially after seeing the Super Tuesday results, I'm just left questioning why we even bother. The two-party system has failed and it is very evident in the fact that you can hardly tell the difference between a moderate democrat and a moderate republican. If anything the Democrats have become even more conservative over the last two decades. Not to mention the evident and rampant corruption from both political parties. So I can honestly understand the political apathy many, especially young, Americans feel when we look at voter turn-out.
... Oh yea I forgot I'm supposed to also spam Maoist propaganda so yea no war but class war btw.
... Oh yea I forgot I'm supposed to also spam Maoist propaganda so yea no war but class war btw.
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