ULTRA-NATIONALIST PARTY OF SAMGOLA

Zäryn Harkov sat restlessly in the back seat of a black SUV. He was the chosen spokesperson for the Ultra-nationalist Part of Samgola. He didn't have much choice in the prospect as he was the General's son and possibly the most educated man in their ranks making him the prime option to take the seat at the assembly. He sat next to his father and was in a convoy of three other vehicles.

"We are a little late," General Harkov said, "six weeks to be exact. You know why you are going. Bring glory and unification to our country. Contact me if you have any problems," he ended handing his son a small black phone. Zäryn took the phone and put it in his pocket before nodding. Being a native of Soussiam, born in Bourem, hopefully added to his advantage. His father was never very direct about how many supporters they had but he had seen their current numbers in person. The more support they could get would allow them to expand their beliefs and power.

The convoy came to a stop and Zäryn stepped out. The convoy left almost immediately and he made his way into the assembly building. He went through the processes that were required of him and was directed to the main hall. He opened the door seeing that an election was in progress. He stepped past seat after seat until he found his own and sat down. He set his briefcase next to him and watched observed the election.

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Karimbe, the final state surrounding the Capitol finished it's polling with the masses of socialists pulling solemnly for Samgola Dawn. The split 3-5-3-1 broadened the Samgola Dawn lead.



The Province of Ziwa, a bastion of mostly rural and Muslims who have since fallen under the reign of the National Militias, votes largely in favor of the Samgola Dawn under the pretense of Zan Mahol's boastful promises of removing the militia threat and decreasing unemployment. Two new parties, the Labour Front and the Ultranationalist Party sign up legally for participation in the Presidential Election but gain nowhere near enough votes. The Society for the Advancement of Secularism (SAS) hold a campaign to vote for these 'fringe parties,' but their efforts are barely felt at the polls.



The final results for Onige come in. A near split for Samgola Dawn and Liberal Democrats reveal the frontrunners in the final hours of the election. The Samgolan Patriotic Party cash in a vote with a stellar quarter of a million votes and Labour Front edges out 25,000.



The final territory, the least populated, Dabrado, is polled. Every seat, including the new fringe Labour Front and Ultranationalist Party win representation, beating out the Samgolan Patriotic Party.


Current Seats

• Democratic Alliance for Reform: 65
• Samgola Dawn: 83
• Liberal Democrats: 63
• Samgolan Patriotic Party: 15
• Labour Front: 1
• Ultranationalist Party: 1

With the General Election over, the final tally for votes was as such:


In the ensuing Runoff Election, Samgola Patriotic Party and a startlingly modest amount of Liberal Democrats chose Bassong's DAR over the traditionalist Samgola Dawn party, even with a turnout of nearly 15% higher.

They'd done it. Samuel Bassong's dream, new enough to him that he could remember—fresh in his mind—the day back in Houston when he first imagined it, had come true. After so many weeks of sweat and toil, of fundraising and speeches and drives and flights, the Democratic Alliance for Reform had come out as the victors in Samgola's General Election. The D.A.R., whose leaders had arrived in Kamidye on the heels of the civil war's end as a band of émigrés with idealistic values, had clawed their way from third party status to the very top of the political ladder. Once an overly ambitious city councillor in urban Texas, Samuel Bassong was now President-Elect of the country of his birth, an ocean away from the state he'd been raised in and called home for so many decades.

Samgola had grown on him so far, but he still knew no other time in the country but election time. And for Samuel, the election time was not yet over, even as the votes from the second round had been counted and he'd learned of his ascension to the presidency. Rather than celebrating his victory with any enthusiasm, Samuel immediately set to work, trying to cobble together a coalition. He'd met and talked with, both on the phone and in person, members of all three other major political parties in Samgola. The political realities of his party's mediocre showing in the National Assembly necessitated the formation of an alliance of parties, the sort of thing Samuel, as a raised American, was not deeply familiar with: yet, as in the election, he had succeeded.

The Prime Minister, of course, would be his second in command, Ephraim Yombi, the Deputy Leader of the D.A.R. Ephraim had been indisposable in the campaign, and his close personal friendship to the President-Elect made him a perfect pick for ensuring that President Bassong's objectives as head of state would remain the focus of the National Assembly's governing coalition. Serving alongside the D.A.R. in parliament would be two smaller parties, though the Liberal Democrats were only just. For their 63 seats in the National Assembly, the L.D. had demanded four of ten positions in the cabinet, an able representation that would give their free-market ideals considerable sway in the new government. Providing less seats to the majority, but still finding representation in cabinet with one seat, would be the Samgola Patriotic Party; natural allies, who had supported many of D.A.R.'s policies in the national debate and on the campaign trail. Their 15 seats, combined with L.D.'s 63 and the D.A.R.'s own 65, would provide the new coalition government, the so-called "Liberty Coalition", with some 143 seats in the National Assembly—over two dozen more than was strictly necessary for the barest majority. Hopefully, the three parties' ideals of liberty and their unified opposition to the old National Regime would help them to keep their differences aside, and ensure legislation could pass easily enough through the National Assembly of Samgola. If Samuel wanted to stay President, he'd have to deliver on his promises, and do so well enough to satisfy the eighteen million Samgolans that had placed their trust in him to lead the state. It was sure to be a trial, but Samuel Bassong, ever ambitious, was eager to proceed.

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September, 1993

The election had ended with a clear victory with Samuel Bassong and his Democratic Alliance for Reform. Without a clear majority, Bassong took little time in navigating the political waters by offering the Liberal Democrats and the Samgolan Patriotic Party a hand in the Bassong government. They took it, with even former presidential candidate Yembe Songé being appointed as Minister of Trade & Finance. The Bassong Administration officially took office some fifty odd days later on September 5th, 1993.

The government formed, September began the official commencement of the National Assembly, 228 members, democratically elected. The nation's first order of business was appropriating a budget for the 1993-1994 fiscal year. The nation was in debt, but not terribly so. National Militias still prowled the outlying territories.



With the first Session of the National Assembly now taking place, the legislative body was now available to begin conducting itself according to the docket.



EVENT: Tambe Mahumbo, a former Lieutenant-Colonel in the Samgolan Army and running for a member of the National Assembly in Ziwa, was set to leave his province to head to Kamidye after the election. Unfortunately, while taking his personal vehicle out of town, he crashed. Medical services determined he was dead upon arriving on the scene. Another election was held: turnout was low, at only 19%. With a vote of less than 15,000 votes to a measly 13,000 votes, a member of the Samgolan Technocratic Union was elected, a party that was known only in the shadier and less popular neighborhoods around town.

DOCKET OF THE FIRST LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY OF THE 1ST NATIONAL ASSEMBLY

• 1. Ratify the Cabinet Proposal of President Samuel Bassong [Yes. No. Abstain.]
• 2. Add Proposals (via the Propose Bill action) to the 1993-1994 Budget
• 3. Debate the Budget.
• 4. Pass the Budget.
• 5. The 1993-1994 Budget: docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1FwmPO…

PROPOSALS

• 1. 1993-1994 Budget [May Add Proposals.] [Debate].
  * Every Week this goes unpassed, the Coalition Parties lost .5% Approval.

VOTING

• 1. Bassong Cabinet [Debate] | [YES: 0 | NO: 83 | ABSTAIN: 0]

“THIS IS OUTRAGEOUS!” Zan shouted to the leadership members of the Dawn party and Lukas Halt as he slammed his fist down on the desk. “The dawn won a majority of 84 fucking seats! Not only does MR. BASSONG not speak to me about forming a coalition but insteads goes to the LD, and SPP! GENTLEMEN AND LADIES HOW CAN WE LET THIS HAPPEN!” Zan looked around his room in disappointment

Ralin torph the deputy and #2 to Zan spoke up “You are correct sir, but what can we do, this is a democracy. Sadly. I suggest we deny this Cabinet and hope we can get the other parties to agree and perhaps some from the SPP and LD who don’t like their positions as is.” Zan nodded “Perhaps, we must try something, though I fear it will not work. The budget however we must make sure is kept at a minimum and yet I fear they will make a muckery of that as well. Considering we are not ruled by Corporate American Puppets.” Lukas smiled and stepped in “Ya know, that actually sounds really good. CAPs I like that we should use it at speeches and such.” Lukas began writing it down while Zan dismissed the leaders and looked outside to the capital in disappointment.

Ambari Zume looked over the various men and few women in their small communal hall. Compared to the other political parties they didn't have any lavish feasts or well-dressed individuals in the crowd. Mister Zume, as he was called was dressed in a rather modest pair of brown jeans, a brown jacket and a white shirt for this occasion. Looking more like a Professor than a political leader.

Their rivals called them Communists, their allies called them idealists, but their supporters would known them as the honest and hard-working men and women of Samgolan. While many others promised and promised, the STU had actual plans on the future of Samgolan. Their ideas weren't proposals far in the future, rather they were ideas that many of them had thought out and planned in their many 'party' meetings. Not many liked them, after a civil war - people looked for easy and clear answers, which many others were offering.

The STU however didn't sugar-coat much of their ideas - they had concrete ideas, with many such costs, benefits and disadvantages easily written out on their pamphlets. They didn't gain much traction with many, although a certain few did like their idea. Namely the teachers, students and engineers - such few that they were.

Ambari himself had been educated in the Soviet Union, around 1983 - in one of the many technical universities - under a Socialist Brotherhood Exchange Program. While originally going there to learn about the world of machinery - he had gotten hooked on the literature of Karl Marx. Ambari had been like many disgusted at the ways of governance - men of common blood tearing each other apart in the Civil War. He blamed both the government of that time but also the system itself. One couldn't blame the stupid man - if he hadn't been educated and ran only with what he knew.

As such Ambari and several others had created the Samgolan Technocratic Union - both to give the educated a voice against the loud mass as well as a way, to change Samgolan through ration and logic. Now they had been given their chance, despite winning nothing initially they had been given a chance due to the fault of their opposition.

"I am not one for speeches. Neither I assume, are any of you willing to sit around listening to an engineer talk his mouth off," spoke Ambari, breaking the moment in their small hall, with a quick joke. "As I have promised, we shall be a small yet certain voice in the mass. We will use our mind to the best of our abilities and bring Samgolan into the future. Thank you."

“With the country finally starting to form, I believe one of our first actions must be to recognize those who fought for this country. As such I propose the National War Monument Bill, this bill would allow us to recognize those who died in the war and be forever remembered by name and what we lost so that this democracy could live.” Representative Abe Hamdot of the Samgolan Dawn party said to his fellow members at the national Assembly.



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Meanwhile after the National Assembly meeting, Zan Mahol met with 2 members of his party to discuss their issues. Both former soldiers under Zan who respected him and saw him as their leader “I’ve asked you both here today, because I’ve recently been informed you’ve spoken about cutting government spending and overall power. This can’t stand, if we are to become a strong,stable and powerful organization we must focus on nationalizing and if needed spending money. Thus we must look for the future do you understand what I am saying?” The two men looked at each other then at their leader they stood up saluted and said yes. Zan smiled and sent them on their way.

Despite having been elected after an accident had killed the previous electee and riding-out on extremely low turnout rate - the STU representative in the National Assembly had already gotten busy in their duty. Ahmar Jurhen - a Muslim and a former Math Teacher, had already taken the stage in organizing what meager political power they had into action. As they had gotten to power in Ziwa - they had worked out a strategy to work from where they gained traction - to slowly build up from there and let their supporter base grown even further. To show those whom had voted for them, that their vote wasn't wasted and they could trust in the Samgolan Technocratic Union to listen to them on a reasonable base - even if they were from a rural and poor area.

At the time Ahmar Jurhen was taking the stage in the National Assembly - namely on the subject of National Militias still an issue in the Province of Ziwa. One of the key factors that the SD had used in riding to power in Ziwa.

"-I have not yet formed an opinion on the Bassong Administration. As they haven't yet taken any acts, that I might agree or disagree with. For this reason, I will Abstain. Instead, I will talk about a greater situation. Namely the National Militias that still trouble and plague our nation. Especially in Ziwa."

"Most of their lands aren't as well-developed as that of the other Provinces, yet still they are plagued by these Militias. The war is over, these men should lay down their arms and return to their homes and families. The new Administration should make it a core value of our first government and aid these people in returning to civilian life in a calm and reasonable way - providing incentives if need be. The civil war had been a suffering for many families, especially those living in the rural areas. We can't move forward in such a way, if we allow these old marks to remain on our nation."

"Ziwa is one Province, whose wounds still remained raw and open. As we were elected by the people, it is our duty to them - to help heal this," finished Ahmar Jurhen - the first speech in the history of the Samgolan Technocratic Union. It would be one that would either be one to remember in future moments or a forgotten note. Their funding was low as it is - but Ambari Zume had thought the prize was worth the attempt.

Especially, as Ahmar Jurhen had made his speech about the situation in Ziwa. Ambari was organizing a modest fundraising campaign in the same province. Under the name of Penny For Your Thoughts - it would focus on helping to fund the STU for other similar situations. Written in the similar style as all other STU pamphlets - although tailored for the more poor and Muslim kind. Namely showing small graphs on indicating how their funds would be utilized and used - currently and in the future. All in all - a modest start for a new party, hoping to achieve above its expectations.

Isabella Andulu sat quietly in the corner, listening to the ramblings of the frustrated and loud Samgola Dawn. The coalition hollering out like a wounded animal after becoming a minority party thanks to the formation of the so called “liberty coalition”. Positioned as the party whip within the Parliament, she had immense amount of influence among the Liberal Democrats’ members. Once the opposition party had finally quieted down she began to speak up in regards to the issue of ratifying the cabinet.

“If my fellow MNA members are willing I would like a moment on the floor.” After receiving permission, she began to head down to the center podium, staring down a room filled with enemies. “It is essential that President Bassong’s cabinet is created immediately, our nation having recently come out of civil war needs a functioning government. To prevent its’ formation is to force the President to take upon himself the responsibility of the executive branch, without aid. It is irresponsible to decline it at this time. As such, I urge my fellow MNAs to vote in favor of this cabinet, not of obligation to any party, but out of obligation to Samgola and its’ citizens.”

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The “National War Monument Bill” was a bit of a shock to many of the major party members within the L.D. The proposal both a mess of random ideals, proposals, and philosophies thrown in as a single amendment, with little thought or care placed into its creation. Awa Moumié began to speak up against the proposal, “Fellow members of the National Assembly, this proposal is outlandish. Clearly proposed by Samgola Dawn to mock this newly formed democracy. How many unrelated articles can they fit into that of a single bill? Suggesting the funding of the most expensive war memorial ever created, less than three months after a civil war might I add, the defunding of an entire state department, and a massive spike in corporate income taxes. There is nothing in this bill that shows any clear focus, nor should it be taken seriously.”

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Week 3, September 1993


Two weeks has passed and the Liberty Coalition had not yet made a motion to fund the Samgolan state. The Samgola Dawn introduced the National War Monuments Bill and the newest Member of the National Assembly, Ahmar Jurhen arrived in Kamidye to take on his duties in the legislature. The saddening fact that one in five Samgolans was without a job remained the sore point of the day, with nearly 24/7 news coverage. Among that, the National Militias seemed poise to strike again, with rumors circulating that they had pulled back into neighboring Nigeria to prepare for a cross border assault on Ziwa.

A Fundraiser for the Samgolan Technocratic Union was successful, although the overall support for the party was still modest at best. In total, the S.T.U raised nearly a quarter of a million Kamar ($264,000) into the Party Funds back in Kamidye. Similarly, MNA Jurhen gave a fiery speech on the issue of the National Militias in Ziwa, and the other Assembly members responses were pending.

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Written by all three member parties to the governing coalition, the 1993-1994 budget was fairly lackluster. The extremely poor position of the Samgolan Republic's finances prior to the election had forced the budget, written over a process of collaboration by all three coalition members, to mostly retain pre-existing spending commitments, with only minor alterations made to cornerstone campaign issues. Even with this restraint, the deficit remained substantial, and serious measures would have to be taken in the future to reduce costs, to make room for the promises made during the campaign period. Worst of all, though, were the delays. The process of drafting the federal budget had been under siege for weeks by bureaucratic and institutional hurdles, and only the concerted effort of the Prime Minister and Cabinet managed to prevent the bill from being neglected the light of day any longer than it had. Now that it had been brought to the National Assembly, though, Prime Minister Yombi was confident that the Liberty Coalition's majority would be enough to push it through the legislature. With any luck, the business of governing could now finally go forward.

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“Prime Minister, how can we put a vote to the budget right away before we have even had a chance to look it over. It’s as if you don’t wish for us to know what you are funding and what you aren’t. It would be irresponsible on our part within the National Assembly to immediately vote. Thus I propose a week’s delay to give us at least some time to look over the budget and view it. I might even suggest we look over the National War Monument or perhaps even vote on it.” Zoya Kali said as he returned to his seat. It was at this moment that Asha Zain stood up

“I concur with Mr.Kali a week would be the least we could do. As for the National War Monument bill, as for Ms.Moumié’s comments, it appears as though she doesn’t support those who died to give us this democracy and even goes so far as to say we’re mocking it. Shame on you. The monument is expensive but it’s more than just a physical object, it’s something out people should look to as a reminder of what we sacrificed for this Democracy, I would even go so far as to call you hypocrites. Your party has stated numerous times to deregulate the economy and stop providing welfare, yet when we call for a mere 3 million to be cut half of which would be spent to a peacekeeping force we no longer need. While the other would send money to a rival nation which did nothing in the war. I SAY NO! As for increasing the Corporate Taxes, why we need to cut our deficit someway, just because you’re capitalist's supporters wouldn’t like it means nothing. This bill should be the first thing passed under a united assembly, not just for us, for those who died, for those who are aging and will look back on this our first assembly with pride because we honor Samgola FIRST!” Ms.Zain then took a seat and allowed the debate to continued satisfied for having stood up for her party and country.

Only fifteen seats, yet with a position in the presidential cabinet, the S.P.P was more than happy with the deal that they had received, even if the Samgolan Dawn was up in a bit of tizzie. While Xirsi was not president he was still a part of the National Assembly and the party leader, released a small statement stating the party’s “unanimous support” for the president’s current cabinet as well as “The Samgolan Dawn’s unanimous vote against the coalition shows how little they already support the current government.”

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The proposal for the budget found its increase to the reserve of the Samgolan army, this would prove useful in making sure that should these reservists need to be called upon, they would be ready. Plus the increased infrastructure in Kamidye and an increase to the Rail lines would aid in increasing the chances their forces could deploy faster should they need to. The party agreed with the budget as of current with the exception of two who seemed to dislike the the Cabinet did not lower any of the more useless budgets to aid in the deficit that the nation currently had. Yet these naysayers were brought back into line as the cabinet member relayed that the budget would include a deficit for some time given their situation.

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Regarding the Samgolan Dawn’s ‘National War Monument Bill’ the party was overall in agreeance with seeing that those lost in the war should be commemorated but at the same time they could not justify a four percent increase to pay for it from the corporate sector. However, the party proposed an amendment to the bill that the Samgolan Dawn had and believed that they had made the bill a bit more reasonable to work with in terms of the national budget. Additionally, Xirsi proposed that they get rid of the preposterous notion that a Cabinet should be removed simply by not paying the adequate amount as even under a presidency where the Samgolan Dawn was in power, they would need to cut corners somewhere. Granted these changes were merely suggestions for the time being, that was until they eventually agreed to propose the Amendment to the Samgolan Dawn to see if they would accept the changes they made.

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Bahati Uma of the Dawn’s party who had spoken to Xirsi about the revision spoke up “We believe this amendment to the bill to be fair. It rids us of the supposedly ridiculous clauses requiring the cabinet to resign as well as cutting spending to the state department. Overall the changes here should be acceptable and I would request the PM calls the bill up for a vote.”

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Week 5, October 1993



The Liberty Coalition after over a month of deliberation instead sought to enact only minor reform for the 1993-1994 Budget. The budget was inserted into the Assembly without debate or room for discussion and immediately called to a vote by Prime Minister Ephraim Yombi.

The Samgolan Patriotic Party began working with Samgola Dawn to make needed changes to the National Monuments War Bill while voting for the budget began.

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With constant debate and conflict soaring through the new Coalition and Opposition - Ahmar Jurhen, and by extention the STU had decided to be the voice of the people. As Ambari Zume, was currently occupied with slowly talking out ideas among the Party and developing new ways of utilizing the gathered funds - he had asked the MNA in adding a sxith Amendment in for the Nation War Monument Bill.

"We must never forget. Whom suffered most in this war, we must never forget - that despite the many soldiers who fought to end this conflict - that many innocents died before that could be achieved. Some of them, we knew as our fathers, mothers, sisters and brothers. Some sadly remain forgotten into the sands of time - for we may never find them anymore in this world or any ways of identifying them again."

"As such, we need to also remember their names. So we shall both remember those who fought...and those who sadly died - so we may never again, turn our guns against our own people ever again," finished Ahmar, after his Proposed Amendment for the NWM Bill.

“After working tirelessly with both members from the SPP and the STU, we believe we finally have a bill ready and open for the national assembly as such we would like to call this bill to a vote”

“I think it is time for the people’s front leaders to be dealt with, this was one of my major promises when I ran for the presidency. While I sadly lost, the fact remains the leader’s must be dealt with. I think we should look to our president, to do something about it. I personally believe execution is the only way. However if the president in all his wisdom thinks there is a better way then he should do it. The longer the leaders live the more dangerous they become. As such some supporters of mine, activists if you will have volunteered to form the Samgolan Dawn Security Force these people out of fear of what the People’s Front followers could do would serve as a security force protecting any dawn events as well as showing the power the dawn has. This security force will be paid to do their job and given a uniform and party number, obviously in order to join you will need to be a member of the Samgolan Dawn and expected to follow it’s beliefs.Furthermore, here in capital of Kamidye, we shall open the S.D.S.F HQ alongside the Dawn’s Party HQ. ” Zan Mahol said as he stepped off the stairs in front of the Assembly building and lead the group to his party HQ where a large number of people would join the ranks of the S.D.S.F.

After the voting on the National Monument bill, Isabella Andulu spoke up once again. “My fellow cabinet members, it is clear that our nation suffers a great deal of debt. Our citizens forced to pay harsh taxes to maintain an unhealthy and bloated healthcare budget. As a result, I propose the Freedom of Health Act which aims to take the first of many necessary steps to a private healthcare system. By giving private companies the opportunity to invest into a nearly untapped and monopolized market not only will our citizens pay less in taxes, but innovation in new and advance forms of medical technology will increase.”

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