The business of government was moving forward at a reasonable pace. Legislation was being proposed and debated, passed and let to die in the National Assembly, and all of the conduct of the ministries—each of them fully funded—was humming along. At worst, Samgola could at least be said to be orderly, but this was not fully to the President's liking. Sitting in the Capitol in Kamidye, in the former residence of one President Rubusana, President Bassong was unsatisfied. The Democratic Alliance for Reform had sought numerous changes to the Samgolan republic's policies and institutions, and although the new government was still in its earliest stages, little could be said to have been accomplished. President Bassong was intent not only on continuing in his role as president of the republic, but also on building for himself a lasting legacy as the beloved figure that had usher Samgola into a new era of modernity and stability. The issue of unemployment was of a particular concern to the President, as his long hours on the campaign trail had affirmed to him the pertinence of that problem in the minds of voters—those same voters who had elected him into office. A slow pace could be afforded, for now. But eventually, change would need to come.

More pressing was the issue developing in the border states. Reports in the region indicated that the National Militias were preparing for major action, potentially another attack the likes of which had been seen in Kolodam during the campaign. This would obviously be enormously bad press, both for Samgola as a country and for the Bassong government in particular. It was an incident that needed to be avoided, and President Bassong was eager to take the initiative to make it so. On the advice of his cabinet, particularly Oluwasegun Teleola, the Minister of Defense from the SPP, President Bassong had signed an executive action sending an attachment of the Samgolan Army to communities in the Ziwa province along the border. The army would be tasked most hopefully with dissuading an attack from taking place at all. And, if one did, they would react with a proportionate response against the rebels. The issue of the National Militias had been a national embarrassment, often railed against during the campaign, although not by the D.A.R. itself. Nonetheless, Bassong was eager to flex his muscles, and a show of force in Ziwa, potentially saving lives in the process, stood to do much more good than harm.

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Week 6, October 1993



To those unfamiliar with the Samgolan culture and history of provincial protectors, the National Militias seemed anomalous in nature. Adhering to their own code, they were self-supplied raiders that--as their leader, Mostafa Lahbibi preached--did not "participate in the politics of neocolonialist nation states held up by the West." The Islamic Army lived up to its namesake, sticking mostly to the heavily rural, impoverished Muslim majorities in the border states where the Samgolan state existed only on paper. The Islamic Army had its own uniforms, its own code of honor and its own laws. In many villages and settlements, the community lived under this codex and in reward reaped the benefit of local protection from Lahbibi's soldiery. At it's apex in 1991, the Islamic Army comprised nearly 22,000 recruits, and the claim of its strength, without the turned cheek of Rubusana, was now muddled.


On October 7th, President Bassong signed Executive Order 16, authorizing an attachment of the Samgolan Army to head into Ziwa to dissuade a potential attack from Lahbibi's army. The question, relevant to be discussed in one of the eight meetings with Minister of Security David Desange, President Bassong and Minister of Defense Oluwasegun Teleola that took place between September 30th and October 5th was the intended strength of the intended detachment. General of the Samgolan Army, Yemi Farose argued that a strong presence was the only answer in order to "reestablish the Samgolan state within Samgolan boundaries." It was undetermined the position of Minister of Defense Oluwasegun Teleola, though there was no doubt he would most certainly put in his own opinion. Taking on the National Militias was not to be such a black and white issue.

To the disenfranchised masses there, the Islamic Army performed kind--some might suggest humanitarian--acts such as bringing supplies to geographically hard to reach villages, running out and even having public trials of criminals in the region and protecting Muslims from the separate but no less radical Christian militias that were less numerical but just as zealous. While sending out the Samgolan Army into the hinterland was an easy task, establishing the policy of the army was another task all together.

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With the National War Monument Bil now amended and far more sensible, the members of the SPP were far more eager to accept than before, five definitely had voted yes over the matter but the remaining ten seats would give the answer at a later time when they had made up their minds.

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Oluwasegun made an appearance in Ziwa early in the week to deliver a speech to the anxious people who were afraid of these militias who were running amok and proving to be more of a threat with each passing day. “My fellow Samgolans, it is without a doubt that the Islamic Army has threatened each and every one of us. It is under my supervision, as Secretary of Defense, that we will see to these traitors so that no more loss of life will happen within our borders. However, the Islamic Army has their own uniforms, their own code as well as laws. Thusly so, they are no longer just traitors within our borders, but invaders who must be dealt with lest they grow in power and a new Civil War breaks out. That is why I plan to protect all who I can from their vicious attacks, and I will use anything necessary to stop them under President Bassong’s discretion.”

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Xirsi F. Sahra, however, no longer making speeches for the party was looking for more ways to generate a more stable income from the party rather than solely living off their one donor and fundraisers. However, that took a lot of work, and it was all so tedious to find the right people to please these days, especially with the nation as it was with its many conflicting values. However, the party would try, and they would certainly try to prosper with their fifteen seats, which was certainly more than a couple of the parties that had come exceptionally late.

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It had only been a few months since Zan last arrived in Bourem. The last time he had come, he had to hire an external security force to “protect” him from the misguided militias of the region. But now, he has 7,000 brave and well trained SDSF members to protect him and the civilians at any of these events. These men were former soldiers and trained under Zan and his subordinates and in the future all SDSF would be trained almost like a true military force. Zan returned to the villages who were protected and harrassed by the varying militias and gave speeches such as these.

“People of Samgola, I think we can see right here where the current government has already failed. Under my presidency these national militias were one of my main priorities not just dealing with them, but have an open communication with their leaders. I know what they do for you people, you think you were forgotten under both regimes which is what allowed these militias to grow using that sorrow to provide security as well as give you basic things such as food. Even now I hear our government doesn’t wish to offer the same gentle heart they provide but instead use force and large scale military intervention which will inevitable cause innocent lives to be lost in the fighting, I know this from my own experiences at war and could assure you, if I was your president right now. You wouldn’t have had to fear that. Show them next election that the DAR and LD representatives provide nothing to those not inside the wealthy cities where the wealthy rule. These Corporate American Puppets stand not for Samgola but for american interests, and it disgusts me.” Zan stated to the people of the region while continuing to blast the Liberty Coalition’s leadership, he made a toured around Bourem making sure each area was safe and secure though the use of his SDSF.

“We of the Samgolan Patriotic Party have found that the Samgolan Dawn Security Force, or SDSF, is found to be unlawful, as any paramilitary organization is against our thirty-first law of our nation. We speak out against this movement as it has been found that these individuals are being trained as a military force. We speak to the rest of the National Assembly to speak out against this, and order the Samgolan Dawn to disband the SDSF under jurisdiction of law.”

-Xirsi F. Sahra

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Week 8, October 1993



The Bassong Administration, in conjunction with the Minister of Defense decided to mobilize the 4th "Onige" Infantry Division into the province of Ziwa. Near the end of October the infantry division left it's home in Goupouy, Onige province and headed toward Ziwa. The division with a paper strength of 8,800 men was closer to 6,500, but had the 12 Panhard VBL armored vehicles for it's mobile force recon platoon. They would reach the province three days later on October 30th. These would conduct patrols between the villages where the citizens there were most vulnerable. President Bassong had decided that the big stick was best carried softly and officially adopted the policy of Preemptive Community Policing and Deescalating Lawlessness as the national domestic idea for handling the National Militias.



Mobilizing the infantry division would not be a priceless affair and it was estimated they weir deployment would cost between $25,000,000 and $33,000,000 a month. Among the Panhard VBL's was a veritable fleet of British purchased Range Rover U.V.L's, which officers and small squads of soldiers could use to travel the province along what dirt roads were available. There were no immediate effects of the mobilization of the 4th, who had barely finished entering the territory by the end of the month.



The Expansion of the Kamidye Rail Line began. In order to expand Kamidye's public transport infrastructure to make it easier for Samgolans from all walks of life in our nation's capital to have access to all sections of their city and to more easily commute to and from their place of work, our government has doubled spending on the Kamidye Rail Line. Part of this increased spending will go towards more regular maintenance on existing rail lines, to increase the quality of service that the residents of Kamidye can expect from their public transportation system. The rest of the additional funding is assigned towards an expansion of the Kamidye Rail Line itself, extending the system to southern sections of the city previously left without a reliable system of public transportation. These significant investments are in keeping with the promises of President Samuel Bassong to improve upon infrastructure in our nation's urban areas.

While the Samgolan Technocratic Union had proposed the Kamidye Rail Line Construction Bill, which would appropriate private businesses for the benefit of the expansion, work began in earnest as the Samgolan Constitution required passed bills without an effective date to begin immediately.

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Although victory had been achieved and the election had formally ended, campaigning never really stopped. The raising and spending of funds was a constant process for any major political party, especially one in government (and that wanted to stay there). President Bassong, even with serious political and security issues to tackle, was not too busy running the country for a sizable side-helping of politicking. He had become fond of giving speeches directly from the steps of the Presidential Residence in Kamidye, speaking to the people of the capital in person and making himself an oft scene figure of daily life. President Bassong took great pains to make himself seem an ordinary Samgolan, and one who cared about the people over whom he ruled. He visited restaurants and meeting halls, mingled among crowds and talked with supporters and detractors each day. His intent on making himself a tangible figure to the public was so strong as to make his security detail worried, but Samuel did not seem at all phased at being with the people himself. He hoped that conducting himself in this way—seeming serious and respectful without being too pretentious to talk to ordinary people—would endear him to the residents of the city. Time would tell if it would work.

There were, of course, other advantages to this public presence as well. Making so much time available for talking to the people also left plenty of time for talking to donors and attending functions. As often as the president could be seen in a button-up shirt with rolled up sleeves, talking to a crowd of voters in the daylight sun, he could also be seen in a suit and tie at a formal event, accepting donations from his more enthusiastic and wealthier voters. He had been spending much time with his finance, as well—Divina Kazadi, the woman whom Bassong's enterprising fashion model of a sister had set him up with during the electoral campaign. Samuel had proposed after the election was won, and the plan was for the wedding to be a public affair, the kind of celebrity event that would make Bassong a Samgolan public figure for reasons other than his politics and authority. The D.A.R.'s plan was for their leader to bridge the gap between celebrity and politician, to became a media personality even outside of the political arena. All of the public exposure would stress most men, but Samuel seemed to be enjoying himself. He graved applause and adulation, the kind of the physical, tangible display of support for his authority that helped him to realize the degree of the success of his ambitions. Whatever happened to Samgola, he promised himself each night, no matter how any issue of importance went, he had to make it work for him. He had to keep his hold on power, and grow and grow his persona and his brand ever onward. Samuel Bassong was President of Samgola, and he had no intention of ever losing.

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As the other parties passed their own proposals, debated, or break the law, The Samgolan Patriotic Party had been planning on ways to reduce the corruption of the police force. While there were many different methods to deal with it, the party thought it would be best to found a Bureau that would directly help the citizens being affected by this. Xirsi had stated to the National Assembly that the round of the Bureau was “necessary to helping preserve the rights of our citizens.” The Bureau was to employ lawyers to investigate police arrests and find any loopholes in laws or ambiguous laws that would be used in a malicious manner. “We believe that this will aid in the stabilization and the removal of corruption within the state.”

“I feel as though it is necessary to call the Freedom of Health Act to a vote. Several weeks have passed and all parties have had the opportunity to express their concerns of the bill and suggest amendments, to which none have. It is essential that I remind my fellow MNAs that the freedom of health act will provide the opportunity for our nation's citizens to have cheap and more effective healthcare.” Isabella Andulu then began to leave the central podium. It had seemed to her that the conversation for the bill had gone nowhere, and that several parties are eager to go against the coalition simply out of spite.

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“This bill, will help no one but those rich and greedy capitalists whose pockets the LD and DAR are already deep in. I implore my party and anyone else who believes in democracy and truly wishes to help those in the rural and poorer states vote no like myself.” Zaya Kolin of the Samgolan Dawn right before voting nay.

"The STU votes in favor of yes - do allow the Private Enterprise a chance to compete with the National Hospitals on an equal playing field. But I implore the members of the Coalition to make sure, that rural areas would not be subjected to any unfair monopolies that might form - due to the lack of any other quality healthcare in their region," spoke Ahmar Jurhen.

The Samgolan Technocratic Union still believed that equal competition would promote progress and better standards. Although he was doubtful if this would reach the rural regions - which might have to rely on unfair prices, if no alternative would be available. At any rate, the STU would keep their eyes open on this subject - and step in, should the situation in the rural region spiral out of control.

After a few days of discussing over things with the Liberal Democrats - the STU has introduced a new Amendment into the KRL Construction Bill. Adding in a clause that would also allow the running, management and overall responsibility of it to be up for bid among many Private Companies operating in Samgola.

It had been a momentous few weeks, the first election in Samgola following the devastating civil war had concluded and it was official, the country would be beholden to the corporate bureaucrats and their paid mouthpieces within the National Assembly. Ashur Boro, the sole representative for the Labour Front, sat quietly in his seat at the Assembly as the debates began on the administration's actions in the critical first term of the new government. As the proposals came in and the new government announced their plans, Ashur had symbolically abstained from voting on the Bassong Cabinet as a show of the party's displeasure but had cast his vote in favour of the Coalition's 1993-1994 Samgolan Federal Budget, putting people over politics and preferring that the state be able to run at all as opposed to the alternative.

The National War Monuments Bill had been proposed, had undergone several amendments in a Tri-partisan effort and had been swiftly defeated at the vote by the D.A.R. and L.D. parties. Mr Boro himself had stood to join the verbal sparring only when the issue of increased privatization within the health industry had been threatened by the Liberal Democrat's Freedom of Health Act. That debate however had quickly soured when it became evident that only himself and the fascists of the Samgolan Dawn opposed the proposal, perhaps sensing victory, the Bill was in swift order pushed to the vote and when the time had come to cast that vote Mr Boro, standing with his conscience, had voted No but not without a speech:

"The Labour Front opposes and will continue to do so the increasing privatization of this nation until the Samgolan people are prey to the predatory private sector. The removal of the current regulations on the private health sector can only lead to a downfall in standards as companies are no longer held to the standard of providing good healthcare. A more viable alternative, this party believes, would be a focus on improving the standards of the national healthcare service as opposed to offloading the responsibilities of this government to care for it's citizens to the private sector."

The members of the Samgolan Patriotic Party, votes in favor of the Freedom of Healthcare act. They gave no speech or statement on the topic, as they were simply voting on the topic at hand and they found it within their best interests as it was a liberal bill. However, The Minister of Defense was still in a rage over Zan Mahol’s ‘security force’ as it had been well over a week without a response on the subject. “Any paramilitary unit is an affront to our laws and if Zan Mahol does not disband it and confess that he was in the wrong, we will arrest him and drag him to court,” Oluwasegun stated earlier on the topic and his patience with the Samgolan Dawn’s party leader was running thin.

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Week 9, November 1993



Zaryn Harkov was an interesting figure. His past was relatively unknown and his future even less certain. He was fortunate enough to have spent nearly all of his life in the Province of Dabrado. With 140,000 votes he managed to swoop up the Fourth Assembly Seat there out of Tenkossé City, appealing mostly to the patriotic fervor there. The Ultranationalist Party was weakly funded and Zaryn Harkov was not a well established candidate. In fact, he did not even appear in the National Assembly in the two months the government had been assembled and his party recorded an abstention for every single vote since the election.

His death was equally as anomalous, and the headline read: MNA PASSES QUIETLY INTO THE NIGHT citing lingering health concerns. He died, at age 36, in his home in Tenkossé City. Whether the Bureau of Security would investigate the issue further was unknown, but by decree of the Constitution, for every seat available an election was to be held. In the absence of a Member of the National Assembly, an election would be held. This election would last six weeks and any Political Party could sponsor a candidate and campaign as they wished. If not, that was also possible. [Every Political Party that wishes to Campaign in Dabrado can PM the GM the following: Name of the Candidate. Amount of Money intended to spend. 3 Issues to Focus on.]

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Bourem, Ziwa Province

The Samgola Dawn Security Force, an ad-hoc section of Samgola Dawn activists who had been ordered into the province at the behest of Party Leader Zan Mahol had been going door to door to recruit new members. The allegations that the S.D.S.F were conducting themselves in an aggressive and militant way were vehemently refused and an attempt to interview one of the members by the Samgolan Ziwa Main Station News Channel was refused. Instead, Zan Mahol met with [REDACTED], speaking briefly with him regarding the issues that Ziwa was facing. The S.D.S.F continued to peruse the territory, ensuing that the party line was followed. [Samgola Dawn receives +3 Strength and receives 6,000 Activists.]

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Ahmar Jurhen agreed in principle with the idea of the Lawful Protection Bureau. As corruption was still evident in Samgola it was all the better to have a Government Agency to start looking into the numerous arrests and loopholes in their newly democratic nation. In return, less corruption meant less taxpayer money lost into the system and actual improvement over their bureaucratic system.

"If it ever came to a vote - the Samgolan Patriotic Party and its Bill for the Lawful Protection Bureau can expect the support of the STU," spoke Jurhen. In addition, he also voted Yes - on their proposed KRL Construction Bill. Now would come the moment of truth for the Samgolan Technocratic Union.

The Labour Front, an alliance of socialist groups and small trade unions burned with an enthusiasm as the national elections had concluded and revealed a considerable success in the Dabrado province where the party had achieved the fourth largest share of votes, succeeding over a more entrenched party like the S.P.P. and earning them a seat in the National Assembly. Whilst the results themselves could be considered meager in the grand scheme of Samgolan politics, to the fledgling party the results were high above expectation and they moved quickly to consolidate what gains had been made.

Dabrado and the province's major city of Tenkosse in particular were subject to a renewed campaign by the Labour Front and it's activists. Their efforts made ever the more urgent with the unfortunate death of an MNA whose seat would be now up for election. The ground game was under way as fliers and posters began appearing across walls and boards, Labour Front rallies supportive of greater state intervention and provisions for the poorest in society held in prominent places. Amen Mensah, the Labour Front leader likewise kept busy, appearing personally at a number of rallies before hosting a fundraiser in Dabrado where before an assembled crowd of party voters, trade union leaders and fringe groups the party leader promised that "this first step was the beginning of great things. The kindling to a flame of change in Samgola!"

The actions of the Labour Front would not stop there however. Before the first four months of the new government were through Mr Mensah to some surprise appeared a distance away from the Front's base of support in Dabrado in the province of Nambe. Before an assembled crowd of onlookers Mr. Mensah began the party's first incursion into the new province with a speech denouncing the national militias as "obstacles to peace" in the newly resurgent nation. With a peaceful overtone Mr. Mensah requested that the active militias "lay down their arms. The war was over and the path to a peaceful and stable nation lay open."

“Once again, this bill that was proposed by the STU. It wastes resources which we have already allocated to building this railway. It will also put our own state employees out of work that have already begun construction on the addition to the railway. This will make a mockary of the budget and make us even more indebted to the Capatalists. I must vote nay on the bill and implore my party and others to do the same.” Rete Freave, of the Samgolan Dawn right before voting nay.

A message was delivered to the residence of Zan Mahol, and a copy sent to the leaders of each of the political parties in the National Assembly, including Zan Mahol's own Samgola Dawn. All copies of the letter were delivered by armed and uniformed personnel of the Security Bureau of the Republic of Samgola. The original, penned and signed by the president personally, was hand delivered to Zan Mahol by David Desange, the Minister of Security of Samgola—and those same uniformed officers' boss. Each letter was sent in a white envelope bearing the official seal of the President of Samgola. It would be noticed by those politicians active in the National Assembly and the broader political and administrative buildings in Kamidye that security had been tightened. Efforts were being made to further cement the current democratically elected administration's authority in the capital city, and positions that had previously been occupied by Task Force Europa were increasingly being defended instead by agents of the Security Bureau. Control over Kamidye was being subtly reasserted by the republic. The message, available to all parties but not yet presented directly to the media, was the impetus for it all.

Dear Zan Mahol, Leader of the Samgola Dawn Party,

As we are both aware, our great nation has only so recently been delivered from the maw of a cataclysmic civil war. Billions of dollars of damage has been wrought to our national infrastructure, hundreds of thousands of families have been left socially and economically devastated, and worst of all, untold numbers of Samgolan civilians have lost their lives. The scars of the civil war plague us still. Unrest is rampant in some parts of the country, and it is natural for all of us to wish to protect ourselves and ensure that we do not fall victim to the lingering enemies of the state that wish to do us harm.

It is incumbent upon us, however, to have the utmost respect for the republic's exclusive authority in matters of defense and security. It is not necessary for me to inform you that the formation of paramilitary forces is illegal in Samgola. Upholding the law is paramount for any good citizen, most importantly of all those that aspire to lead. Your concerns regarding the security of your party's members of the National Assembly and your party's other officials outside of it is fair and genuine. This problem of security is met, however, by the security apparatus of the state. The police and military forces of the Republic of Samgola are fit to the task of the defense of the nation and its people. Equally as important as the matter of the strict legality of the formation of a secondary armed element within our society is the disrespect that it displays for those men in uniform who are tasked with and sworn to defend us and our rights and freedoms.

My issuing of this ultimatum, in place of immediate action, is a gesture of respect to the importance of the ability of the opposition parties of this democracy to operate unmolested by the incumbent government. The Samgola Dawn Security Force, however, is not a normal part of the functioning of an opposition political party, and will not be tolerated. The SDSF is an illegal paramilitary organization under Samgolan law. The organization must be immediately disarmed and disbanded upon the receipt of this message. Failure to do so will be seen not only as a violation of the law of the land, but as the formation of a parallel power in defiance to the elected power of this country, and therefore an act of treason.

Thank you for your compliance with the law, and your patriotism to our great nation of Samgola.

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Diplomatic discussions were underway in the Nigerian Embassy in Kamidye, concurrent with talks going on in the Samgolan Embassy in Abuja. Ambassadors and other diplomats were engaged in high level discussions regarding the Islamic Army, and in particular reports of the force's presence beyond Samgolan borders. Reports from the Samgolan Army had claimed that elements of the Islamic Army of Mostafa Lahbibi had been seeking refuge in Nigeria illicitly, preventing domestic military and security forces from engaging and capturing the organization's leaders. Diplomats on Samgola's side were hopeful that the talks would come to a beneficial outcome, given the Islamic Army's stated opposition to the authority of all regimes spare their own, and the obvious fact that Nigeria would likely not desire to have such a group operating in their own sovereignty territory.

Pointedly, the matter of Samgola's foreign aid to Nigeria was not discussed, as per the request of Charles Mpeya, the Minister of State & Foreign Affairs. There were concerns that addressing the issue of foreign aid would be perceived as too heavy-handed a gesture, and it was hoped instead that the unspoken reality of the annual payments would simply indicate to Nigeria good faith on the part of Kamidye in relation to Abuja's government. The hope was that Nigeria could play a constructive role in dismantling the Islamic Army by containing the IA's presence to Samgola, and thereby assist in stabilizing their friendly neighbour's regime. Relations between the two countries had been in an awkward state since the fall of the Rubusana regime, and the new Bassong administration hoped that working together against the Islamic Army would help to forge a strong and mutually beneficial international relationship in the future.

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