Zan while in Bousem had received word about the recent notices of the SDSF to be disbanded or to face treasonous charges. Zan laughed, the President himself acknowledges the warrants of my concern and wishes to tell him that the police and military’s own duties are to provide a secure area. But at what point do they stop providing a secure place for everyone and promote an oppressive regime forcing the opposition to back down. No Zan would not allow that he would take the legality of the SDSF to court. Surely a small band of 7,000 men would be warranted especially in such a hostile land that the government sees the need to send a large force to secure the region. Furthermore, the police as well as military have far more pressing issues then to stand and protect political speeches or events such as fighting corruption, capturing criminals or securing border lands where the so called oppressive national militias are. These among other issues would be brought to the forefront of the first national court case of Samgolia.

Zan Mahol had rejected the ultimatum. The hand of the president was forced, and so he undertook an act of authority which he had hoped would not be necessary. Copies of the missive delivered to Zan Mahol and the party leaders in the National Assembly were delivered to Samgola's domestic media outlets, and the branches of international media present in Kamidye. It would be necessary for the news media to be aware of the situation in order to avoid confusion and the appearance of a crackdown on the opposition. Representatives of the Security Bureau would be available for comment and interview by any media source that asked. It was incredibly important that the events transpiring were not to be misinterpreted, and any official asked would be happy to clarify the actions taken by the Samgola Dawn's party leader to warrant this response.

An arrest warrant, signed by David Desange as Minister of Security and cosigned by the president himself, was issued for one Zan Mahol. Orders were also issued to the Samgolan Army and to police forces in Bourem—the area in which the SDSF was most active—to disarm, by any means necessary, the so-called "Samgola Dawn Security Force", for constituting a paramilitary organization illegal under Samgolan law. Personal assurances were sent from David Desange's office to every member of the National Assembly in opposition that this was not a concentration of power and that the functions and institutions of democracy were to proceed as normal. It was to be affirmed that Samgola Dawn the political party was not to be abolished, only the party's paramilitary wing, the SDSF. Security in Kamidye, already tightened preceding President Bassong's delivery of the ultimatum, was further strengthened. It would not be easy to predict how the rest of the Samgola Dawn would react, and contingencies needed to be accounted for, or else another conflict would develop. President Bassong hoped, and prayed with sincerity, that Zan Mahol would relent and surrender.

---

---

---

Week 11, November 1993



Half way through November, they came for Mahol. The Provincial Police and select members of the Samgolan Army were summarily dispatched to Bourem and given orders to disarm and the S.D.S.F. and apprehend Zan Mahol. There was some discussion within Samgola Dawn circles about resisting or fleeing the country, but Mahol was apprehended at 9:01 A.M. at the Samgola Dawn research center. He, and 21 other aides were arrested. Throughout the week nearly 800 S.D.S.F. members were apprehended, but distinguishing between those members who were members of the Samgola Dawn party and those were part of the S.D.S.F. was difficult as there was no official roll call. On November 19th, Mahol was arraigned in Kamidye and given an official court date for the beginning of his trial at the Kamidye 1st Circuit Court: January 12th, 1994. The Bassong administration made no provisions or requests on Zan Mahol's position as Party Leader of the Samgola Dawn leadership. [Samgola Dawn loses -800 Activists. Samgola Dawn loses 3 Strength. Samgola Dawn loses 7.50% Trustworthiness. Democratic Alliance for Reform, Liberal Democrats and Samgolan Patriotic Party gains +1 Strength and +2.50% Trustworthiness.


The first campaigning in Dabrado begins with candidates from the Labour Front and Samgolan Patriotic Party hitting the ground early for the one seat up for election. And the Freedom Health Act passes. The bill, per the Constitution of Samgola will immediately go into effect. [Liberal Democrats may add this bill to their dossier on their Character Sheets.]

Additionally, the Samgolan Technocratic Union's attempt to privatize the Kamidye Rail with the Kamidye Rail Line Construction Bill failed 43-139, with only meager support coming from capitalist Liberal Democrats. The work on the Kamidye Rail Line Expansion was slated to officially begin in early December, but reports reached the Ministry of Welfare that the 21.3% unemployment rate had begun to have side effects. It was now an estimate almost one out of every twelve was now Samgolans was without a home. The Kamidye Rail Line had hired nearly 17,000 new contractors in anticipation of the one hundred and thirty million dollar expansion program.



With unemployment still at 21.3% but expected to drop after the Kamidye Line Expansion begins, the amount of Samgolans unable to afford to pay their bills had continued to drop and it was being reported that in Tenkossé City and Kamidye homeless was approaching double digits, while in the outlying rural areas was significantly lower but still prominent enough to be reported by the Bureau of Welfare.

---

---

The case of Tehmari v. Samgolan Army was a rather simple case for the Bureau of Justice, but it was a case nonetheless. Local farmer in the province of Ziwa, Mr. Tehmari, was remaking reparations for the trampling of his crops by soldiers of the army. On the other end of the spectrum the soldiers stated that it had been the militias fault and not their own. It was clear that this case was not federal or provincial level as a) it was not a constitutional problem nor politically motivated to be in the Premier Court or the Kamidye 1st Circuit Court, respectively; and b) it was not a case regarding state laws. Ingwe Gaza, Minister of the Bureau, decided that the case was better left to the district courts of the state Mr. Tehmari is in.

---

---

Sonari Tehmari had been a farmer for 55 years. It was all he knew, and the intrusion of the Samgolan Army into Ziwa was, at first, a welcome sight. On the tenth of November however, Tehmari sent a letter to the Bureau of Justice alleging that the Samgolan Army had came onto his property, destroyed several hundred thousand dollars worth of crops, destroyed a tractor and equipment necessary for tending a farm. The local magistrate at the Bureau recommended him to the District Courts, whose principle goal was: District courts hear most cases regarding misdemeanors and felonies. Given that no formal charges had been brought, Tehmari was relatively upset that he had taken off half the day to go to the District Courts when it was his pending suit he wished to bring against the Army that needed to be filed with the State Court of Ziwa. His court case was determined to start on December 15th with a minor representative from the Samgolan Army in attendance. [-.1% Approval of the Bureau of Justice]



A poll in the Kamidye National revealed that 74.91% of 115 citizens polled revealed they were at least somewhat satisfied with the current Bassong Administration following the passage of the Freedom Health Act, the arrest of Zan Mahol and the beginning of the Kamidye Rail Expansion.

---

---

Given the first blunder of the Bureau of Justice sending the case to the wrong Court the first time, the people were a bit hesitant to allow the Samgolan Army an appeal given they had already lost some approval for messing up. It was no easy task to delegate these types of things to the correct court and mistakes were bound to happen, though the didn’t think they’d make a mistake this early on. There was some conversation on whether to allow the appeal or not, but fear of loading more overall support both for the Minister of Defense’s sake and their own, they rejected it. No appeal would be held.

At the same time, the Bureau of Justice knew that the Minister of Defense would attempt to sway the topic on party politics, they simply waited. It was no surprise to them when the Minister eventually attempted to plead with Ingwe to allow the appeal given they were both patriots and wanted that the glorious army would never do something like this on purpose. However, Mr. Gaza would not allow himself to allow the appeal on the notion of party lines, instead sending the Minister away empty handed. Even if the Army has done so without meaning to, they had to learn that doing such things was not okay.

While the SDSF may have been cleared out the overall party of the Samgolan Dawn was still very much active. While it was no longer militant they had heard rumors from the citizens during Zan’s talk in the province and decided to give away free arms to those that were thought to be in need. They handed our weapons so they could be protected and under the current law it was all legal which was the best part. Though some might say turnouts were excessively large and not all citizens were from the province the SD members didn’t care they wanted their voters and each citizen to be safe and to defend themselves if needed.


Zan had recently just returned to Kamidye, there had been buzz all about his arrest and what this could mean for Samgolan Dawn. For now he still held the power, but should he go to jail the party would become divided Ralin Torph the chief aide would attempt to lead but isn’t widely recognized, Zolin Kaya was the head of the SD in the National Assembly and while SDSF was formally disbanded Jasura Hervit held significant sway and to see who would come out on top was something Zan didn’t wish to see. He had to pray and not be jailed, less all his work would be for nothing. While Zan in public remained strong behind close doors alone in his cell he had to rethink his strategy but he knew even now, he informed his members what needed to be done in the Ziwa province.

The case of Zan Mahol v. Samgola, this was a true case with the a very high difficulty of sorting it into the court that would best deal with it. The debates between Provincial and The Kamidye First Circuit courts had been given as the case may have been politically motivated, though no clear evidence towards it was given, and it was regarding a national law. However, there was one fact that the case had that turned heads, both parties were interpreting the laws in different ways with Zan Mahol believing his ‘SDSF’ to purely be political activists and the Bassong Administration believing it to be a paramilitary force. It was this fact that made the decision, the fact that decided where it would be held; the State Court. The State Court, while dealing suits between two parties also dealt with law interpretation, meaning that Zan Mahol could very well make a case that he is within legal boundaries if his interpretation of the law was convincing enough.

The decision was made, the trial would take place in the State Court.

---

---

For weeks the 4th "Onige" Division patrolled. The National Militias had seemingly vanished. On November 19th, 1993 soldiers of Beka Platoon, 2nd Company, 11th Rifle Brigade responded to gunshots out Zumaya village in Northwest Ziwa. 56 soldiers and 2 Panhard VBL's deployed into the heavy brush and there encountered an unknown amount of enemy combatants. The three hour engagement entitled the Battle of Zumaya ended with 11 Samgolan casualties and 46 of the Islamic Army dead or wounded. One of the two Panhard VBL's was disabled by an RPG round and summarily destroyed by Samgolan soldiers to prevent use by the enemy.




Adrien Omehia, the Labour Front candidate did something no one else campaigning for the last Dabrado seat did: he brought friends. Entering Dabrado with one hundred activists, they did it the only fashion way: knocking on doors and talking to the locals. While the Samgolan Patriotic Party member was also prominent, drawing a crowd of 4,500 to a rally in the city center; the raise between the two became apparent. It was without the young socialists and trade unionist where Adrian drew the biggest crowd himself--150 here, 370 here, 700 here, 1,500 on a sunny day outside the Local Constabulary. With the special election only three weeks away, one would be remiss to wonder aloud just how much money was being spent for a single seat.

---

---

The Republic of Samgola was in nothing less than a state of economic crisis. Unemployment was near 20%, homelessness had risen to an astounding 8% and was still growing, and the crisis was bringing economic growth and social development in the country to a standstill. Urgent action needed to be taken, and the Democratic Alliance for Reform was eager to deliver the needed investments to solve all of these problems and more. Talks with their coalition partners had already occurred, and adjustments had been made to the bill so that it stood the most chance of success upon first seeing the light of day in the National Assembly. Still, it did not quite seem certain that the bill would pass. The D.A.R., and the poor and downtrodden of Samgola, could only hope.

President Samuel Bassong had promised massive investments in infrastructure on the campaign trail, and had name-dropped a piece of future legislation to be called the 'Brick & Mortar Act' during the presidential debate. This was to be it: his signature legislation, an act of the National Assembly bringing to life his dreams of an unprecedented scale of construction and infrastructural development that would lay out the republic's economic and social veins for years and years to come—easily well beyond Bassong's own presidency. This would be a part of the president's legacy, and a hallmark of the D.A.R.'s political brand, too, something for them to campaign on in the next election, and a tool with which to deride any opponent who had opposed the bill and its investments in Samgola's people. In times such as these, even a large spending program like this was the least the government could do to help the people and the country. For Samgola's sake, the act would succeed.

Jayamma Gobeni, the Minister of Transportation & Urban Development, would have the honour of presenting the headline bill to the National Assembly for reading. He was an elderly man, his body frail looking in its old age, but his voice remained as impassioned as it had been in his youth. He was an ex-socialist and a non-émigré, having been involved in revolutionary socialist activity in his earliest days in politics before transitioning to organized labour. Now he had grown out of waving red flags entirely, having changed crimson for tangerine and joined up with the D.A.R. during the election campaign. Having brought so many of the working class of Samgola with him into the party, he was rewarded with his current cabinet post.

"My colleagues," he began, taking a stand to speak to the Liberty Coalition MNAs and opposition members alike, the passion in his words overpowering his tone's aged and scraggly quality to make fire from brimstone. "This is not an austere document. These investments are significant, and I am not under any delusion that their scale is not something that shall be felt by our government's coffers. However, the bill is not heavy-handed—it is exactly what we need to solve the current crisis, to tackle the problems of unemployment and of homelessness, and make our fine Samgola great again. This is about repairing the damage of the civil war; healing the scars that our civil strife inflicted upon this country in physical terms, the damage dealt to the very roads on which we tread and houses in which we dwell. This is about investing in the future; our need to expand our public transportation and our state housing to accommodate our rapidly growing population as well as future development of our economy. And most important of all, to me personally, this is about caring for the people that elected us into office, and gifted to us our seats in this assembly. We must not forget that we are not rulers, we are servants. Servants of the public. We are here to represent our constituents, to see to their needs, and not just to profit from them to enrich ourselves. We must act, and we must act urgently, too, in support of this bill, because it is our duty as members of this assembly to see to all of the needs that this legislation meets."

The D.A.R. members of the National Assembly stood up in applause, passionately supporting their cabinet minister's words and message. As the clapping died down and his party colleagues took their seats, Minister Gobeni came his final words and sat down again with them. "I look forward to hearing feedback from all of my gathered colleagues from all corners of this assembly. Thank you."

---

---

---

December 8th
Minor fighting in Ziwa leaves 4 Samgolan soldiers dead and 7 militants injured and killed. Rough terrain between inhabited villages become the hunting grounds of the militants who often hide among the population and attack at night. Corporal William Eteki of the 4th "Onige" Division distinguished himself by holding his position after running low on ammunition and fighting back two repeated counter attacks during the night of the 2nd. [-4 Soldiers.]



December 9th
The Democratic Alliance for Reform introduces the Brick & Mortar Act in the National Assembly for proposal.

December 10th
Alfred Assalé, the candidate for the Liberal Democrats lands in Dabrado Province. With the second largest party of the Liberty Coalition backing him, he is expecting a significant turnout behind his significant political backing. With the election less than a week away however, it's uncertain whether he will have enough time to build up the support to win. It was rumored that L.D. spent nearly a million dollars on their campaigns ads.

December 11th
Three Samgolan soldiers are killed by a landmine. [-3 Soldiers.]

The candidate for the Samgolan Technocratic Union, Nhara Nereal, holds a rally in the Province during his campaign bid. Little was known about him, his political ideology, his views and mostly anything else. He held a speech about a particular subject that was received lukewarmly.



December 12th
Zan Mahol is returned to Samgola National Prison after a preliminary hearing in the State Court of Kamidye, where the judge rightfully decreed the claim was ineligible to be tried there. Zan Mahol's counsel recommended the trial be dropped based on the incompetency of the crime. The judge did not respond.

December 13th
The Special Election by the Fourth National Seat in the Assembly ends, with Alfred Assalé of the Liberal Democrats winning with 272,788 votes against Adrian Omehia of Labour Front winning nearly 270,556 votes. Whether or not this would be considered a victory by the Labour Front who gained nearly 60,000 votes remained to be seat. [Liberal Democrats gain 1 seat in the National Assembly.]

---

---

With the battles raging in Ziwa against the Islamic Army, individuals within Samgolan army began to distinguish themselves as true heroes for the nation. One such man was Corporal William Eteki, a man who had managed to hold off two repeated counter attacks at night with low ammunition. This action was worth merit, a reward was to be given to the soldier directly by the Minister of Defense when he flew out to meet some of the soldiers fighting there and try to boost morale.

The soldiers not on patrol gathered in the camp as an impromptu stage had been set up. Minister Teleola saluted to the men, they saluted back. Then the minister spoke, “We are gathered here to recognize an act of heroism and duty to the country,” he motioned to the corporal, “Corporal William Eteki held his position, knowing that he had low ammunition, and he forced back the Islamic Army two times. A true act of valor worth commending even if the fighting is light.” A soldier behind him presented the Minister with the Medal of Honor, the minister picked it up and stood in front of the corporal who stood at attention. The Minister pinned the medal to the soldier and turned back to the crowd who began applauding for the corporal. “Let us all strive to have the resolve Mr. Eteki showed! Let us show the Islamic Army what kind of men they are dealing with! True Samgolan men!”

With the rather lackluster performance in the Dabrado Province - the leadership had decided that a notion had to be taken, to help reduce the situation that seemed to hamstring the STU the most. Namely their seemingly anonymous profile and being almost unheard of in some regions of Samgola. Such actions had cost the Samgolan Technocratic Union many opportunities to manage any kind of victory or increase their stance in the National Assembly.

As such, on December 18th - the STU had organized roughly together 1,600 supporters all across the Samgola - in the many large cities in the Provinces. Or namely 200 supporters split between the seven Provinces of Samgola and also in Kamidye. To prevent a repeat of the incident that soured the reputation of the S.D - the Samgolan Technocratic Union, provided the Bassong Administration with a full description of their activities.

Namely from December 18 to 20 - the STU was organizing numerous free seminars all across Samgola - open to all members of the public without charge or any fee. With namely a budget of 200,000$ - which was utilized to rent-out meeting halls, sporting centers and other large or open spaces - the Samgolan Technocratic Union hoped in helping to make their ideas and ways more understandable to the average person.

---

In Kamidye - Nhara Nereal would be speaking, the same man whom tried and failed to achieve much success in the Dabrado Province - but he hadn't let that stop him. The former lawyer, kept his chin high as he explained the ideals of the STU - as he had once done so, in court to his clients.

"The Samgolan Technocratic Union - greatest long-term goal. Is to help evolve the current model of Samgola from a democracy to a technocracy. You might ask yourself? How is that different from a democracy? Not by much. It is simply having people of the educated field hold office in what they had learned to be...here is an example."

"I am laywer you see. Had been a lawyer, retired now. Now...you wouldn't want me repairing your car would you? Fixing your teeth. Checking your pulse? No. I wouldn't know how to do it and if I tried I might mess things up..." he explained. "This is what the STU sees as the key problem plaguing Samgola. Ruling a government, should be like organizing a farm. A plant. You have people who have special skills - who fit most there, where they belong. A man like me. You wouldn't want me running our entire Agricultural center now? Would you? I am a lawyer. My job is to defend and translate it for others."

"That is our hopeful goal in the future. That when you, the people elect any of us, or those whom you think might be qualified. That those you elect ARE qualified in their job. You have a man, in the Department of Justice - who actually knows anything about the law..." he spoke - as the blunder of the DOJ had been already seen twice in a row in Samgola.

"That however - is years, decades, generations ahead. We still have many ways to go before then. Let us return to current times then. At the moment, the STU is no different than the others. Except, we try to hold ourselves to a higher standard than the others. Our platform is simple - any man is the forger of his own destiny. To that end, we seek to cut spending - cut taxes. We are already in debt to other foreign powers. We can't remain so - we must clear out our debt. But this does not mean, we can not accept other ideas or trades with other nations."

"It is the goal of the STU do both cut taxes and encourage growth through self-determination. It is time, for every man and woman - to work to his freedom and success. It is the job of the government, to make sure he has all the tools and protection he can have. No more or less. At these rates, I am surprised anybody has managed to keep pay taxes at all. We need to reduce taxes, for everybody. Both the people who are earning, and to those whom own business so they can grown and expand - and provide more jobs for other people."

"The plan of the government is understandable but it is short-sighed. As the saying goes - give a man a fish, and he is fed. But only for a day. Teach a man how to fish, and he will be fed for a day, a week, a year - and later on sell his fish to others more," spoke Nhara Nereal - finishing up for the day in the Kamidye Cultural Center.

With Zan still in prison and rumors of his verdict to be of guilty, Zolin Kaya head of the Dawn in the National Assembly met with some members to discuss who would take over. He knew he would have to fight with Ralin Torph, the aide for Zan Mahol. As well as the former SDSF leader Jasura Hervit. When Zan fell however so long as Zan remained out of prison he couldn’t be seen as a coup. As such he spent 300,000 and asked 9,000 of SD activists within his own province of Nambé to slander DAR supporters and buildings as well as begin hosting protests against LD’s own supporters especially the corporate businesses within the region. Hoping to gain support and weaken the SD rivals in the area.



As Zan sat in prison shaking his head ashamed of what was happening. In the regions of Ziwa he had heard news of small engagements and what was happening. He knew the IA were merely testing the strength of the enemy. However during his confinement, he got to know the guards who were unsurprisingly SD supporters. They both had voted for SD and were ashamed that Zan wasn’t made President and now they hear of the “liberty coalition” blocking everything the SD and voting across party lines. It is as Zan feared the Capitalist American Puppets controlled everything. He had a lot to think about in his cell perhaps he would write a book.

---

---

December 15th
The Samgola Dawn party, racked in scandal over the recent arrest of Zan Mahol, was now facing an election of it's own. Without a Party Leader the party would whittle and die like a vine. Their choices:
- Zolin Kaya, Senior MNA: Zolin Kaya becomes Party Leader of Samgola Dawn. A member of the National Assembly, he is intrinsically knowledgeable about the legislative process. [+2 Strength. +1 Direct Influence]
- Ralin Torph, Aide to Zan Mahol: Ralin Torph, formerly a Colonel in the Rubusana Regime and a former military and political aide to Zan Mahol. He is, like Zan, not a politician and comes from Soussiam. [+3% to State Employees, Patriots and Conservatives in Soussiam, Dabrado and Ziwa.]
- Jasura Hervit, Leader of the S.D.S.F.: Capable of fiery rhetoric and inspiring others around him, Hervit could fit the mold of a politician quite well. [+650 Activists]

December 18th
The honoring of Corporal William Etiki's actions in Ziwa were well received by the Samgola press, the picture of which made the second page of the news. While the conflict itself was mostly a low intensity affair, the death of soldiers was deplorable and Etiki's actions were seen as honorable and worthy of praise. Etiki's demonstration of skill and bravery were lauded by soldier and civilian alike and he was suddenly a local hero in places like Kamidye and Tenkossé City, where his name appeared in the paper frequently. [Ministry of Defense gains +1% Approval]

December 19th
The first of many free seminars on the Samgolan Technocratic Union are held. Although a great many different demographics assembled, very few of the 'seminars' were attended outside of major metropolitan cities. One in five were without a job and one in twelve were without a home. People were not interested in political rhetoric, they wanted change. Those who were acquiesced the most to Nhaha Nereal's ideas were the youth, conservative capitalists--many of whom had given their vote to Samgola Dawn, a party which had quickly become the Party of No. [+3.9% Support from Youth, Conservative and Capitalist voters in Kamidye and Dabrado.]

December 26th
An unknown member of the Labour Front gives a speech on the National Militias in the province of Nambé, warning that their continuation may become an existential threat to the First Republic of Samgola if left unchecked. [+1.6% Approval for Labour Front of Youth & Christians in Nambé]

December 27th
The Hadar Raid in Western Sabura fails, with 51 Samgolan casualties. The raid, conducted on intelligence that minor National Militia leaders might be present, are ambushed by 200+ national militia soldiers. The Samgolan soldiers fight valiantly until they run out of munitions and are all killed. [-51 Soldiers.]

December 28th
Ground finally breaks on the Kamidye Rail Line Expansion, with construction crews reporting to their work sites. Completion was slated to take eighteen to twenty-two months, but several thousand construction workers, contractors, administrators and rail employees have been hired in anticipation of the construction and expansion.

---

---

Ahmar Jurhen was a bit excited over this prospect - despite the STU lacking power, they did try and utilize whatever tact and ideas they could offer to the Coalition. Namely, one such idea had grown fruit and Jurhen hoped it would be accepted by the Democratic Alliance for Reform.

While some were still bitter of the sinking of the KRL Construction Bill. Mister Zume, their party leader had reminded, that politics as thus revenge wouldn't do anybody good - when it came to ruling and helping improve the lives of their people.

While the STU was against spending, in this case - they might just swallow and allow it to pass (not like they could stop it), if it meant the money was spent wisely. As it happened Ahmar Jurhen, read out the Third Article of the Brick & Mortal Bill - that would help the educated, young and eager industrialist start his own business - like repairing bikes or fixing shoes in his village.

Whatever the case, if it meant improvement to the ordinary citizen - then the STU would support it. The people had wanted change, now they'd be getting it.

---

Each of the parties of the National Assembly had been given plenty of time to read over and propose amendments to the Brick & Mortar Act, and time remained of the essence; the crisis was getting worse each and every week. The Prime Minister of Samgola, Ephraim Yombi, was eager to use his powers as head of government to put Brick & Mortar to a vote. Samgola Dawn seemed opposed to it, as they had been to every single act of government thus far, but the smallest parties in the National Assembly—Labour and the Technocrats—were another story. The bill's main purpose fit nicely into the Labour Front's ethos, and the Minister proposing the act, Gobeni, had very recently belonged to those same circles as them as well. The Technocrats' amendment had been accepted by the D.A.R. and the rest of the Liberty Coalition in closed door discussions, and they seemed most poised of all to vote in favour, having already voiced their support on the assembly floor. With any luck, the bill would pass by a large margin, the internally turbulent SD its only notable naysayers. That could be used against them in the next election: while the Samgola Dawn dithered, the Democratic Alliance for Reform took bold and decisive action to save the country. That would make for a good campaign ad.

Speaking of, the advertisements had already begun. Elections never really stopped in any democracy, and D.A.R. was looking to exploit the support they might receive on the back of the Brick & Mortar Act to maximum effect. Televisions in Kamidye would be airing footage of construction on the Kamidye Rail Line (meant to represent the future construction to begin after Brick & Mortar was passed), coupled with D.A.R. taglines and assurances to the public that the Liberty Coalition was meeting their needs. The most prominent feature of the advertisements was digital recreations of the apartment complexes and highways to be built as part of Brick & Mortar: the sight of a row of affordable, modern apartment buildings appearing before their very eyes where once were downtrodden slums was sure to appeal to the sympathetic middle class in Kamidye, whose support would be crucial to the D.A.R.'s continued success in the next election. The problem of homelessness and unemployment, and the D.A.R.'s resolve to fix it, was to be hammered home as hard as could be. Every man and women in Kamidye would know—whether they were personally affected by the economic crisis or not—that President Samuel Bassong's party had their interests and the interests of the whole country in mind. For so long as D.A.R. was in charge, Samgola would never crumble, and her poor would never be neglected.

---

With Zan still in prison pending the trial. Much of the party’s leadership met together upon the asking of Zaya Kolin, the most senior MNA from the Samgolan Dawn. He believed he had the support of the leadership. While many believed Zan would return at some point and some more loyal members were prepared to meet with Ralin Torph he however was nowhere to be seen, it was last reported he was on his way to speak to Zan and see if he could be of use in the courts. His other competitor Jasura Hervit to seemed to be missing in action. It was Zaya’s dream, he was unchallenged he was unanimously voted for as leader of the SD. “Thank you, Thank you, I pledge to you all right now we will work harder and while right now we may not have control by the election of 1996, I promise you I will be the President and our party will firmly be in control.” The members there clapped and nodded in agreement. They then moved to the main hall for drinks and to celebrate the night with a new party leader. However as the night wore on, a chill could be sensed. All of a sudden a large burst of people came in covered in masks and had batons. They shoved all the leadership back into the conference room. “What is the meaning of this who are you, I will alert the authorities!” Zaya said as he was pushed into a seat. The men then stood back and a man in a dark black uniform walked in and smiled. “Zaya, I apologize for my late arrival I had other business to attend to. I believe we had to discuss a new leader while Zan is away. I,Jasura Hervit would like to become the new party leader. All in favor.” Jasura there with his arms behind his hand looking around.

“You’re too late, I am the leader the vote was held earl-” Zaya was hit in the stomach with a baton and forced back into his seat. “Anyone else?” Jasura asked the rest shook their heads no and raised their support in favor of Jasura. Zaya while disappointed knew he couldn’t fight back now. Especially not with Jasura and his guards in the room. He was terrified he’s even still alive with all the stories told of Jasura. Ex-Special forces of the former regime, loyal soldier and adjunct to General Zan amongst other numerous duties, For now he would have to plot and get his strength. “Well then Gentlemen, first things first we must re-align our ideals we must make Samgola strong and powerful once more. I want a proposal introduced to give oversight or a questioning body to the main government. Perhaps a Shadow Government like that in the UK. Furthermore, Zaya make sure your men are all under control. I will begin hosting events and fundraisers to gain us some much needed support and trust back from the people. Until Zan returns you answer to me and my forces. Goodnight gentlemen” Jasura walked out and the men soon followed. The night’s celebration was over and tomorrow business would resume.



“Zan, rumors have it you’ll be sentenced to prison and already the infighting has begun. Zaya and Jasura trying to claim leadership. What should I do, what will the party do without you?” Ralin asked Zan as Zan was writing in his notebook. “Well, for now keeping me informed is good. But until the court decides their verdict I will be stuck here. But it’s not all so bad the guards treat me well being supporters of the Dawn. I am more worried for if I am sentence to prison, the communist and their leaders who’ve still yet to have been dealt with. The goddamn Liberty coalition cares not for vengeance, to indebted to their Capitalist American backers. It’s outrageous, but if I am released I assure you my return will be stronger than ever. If I am not I will have to hope for the best. I’ve even begun writing my beliefs and ideals, if you’d care to help I need someone to find me a publisher” Zan looked up and smiled at Ralin his trusty aide. “Of course Zan, anything I serve you. As does the rest of the party. I’ll speak to you when I can, I must make sure the party is intact for your return.” Ralin called for a guard to let him out but not before providing a Salute to his commander. Zan returned it. Smiling yet in his eyes he could see nothing was ok, whatever happened things would be changed forever.

The situation in Ziwa had remained light, but with two hundred militia forces ambushing and killing fifty of their men was something that would not go unnoticed. Minister Teleola implored the Prime Minister for the use of the Air Force to help them dispatch the enemy as well as gain an intelligence advantage over them. Much to his pleasure, Bassong agreed, so long as the targets were outside civilian settlements. Minister of Defense Teleola released a statement later in the day, “I have been informed the the military is allowed the use airstrikes against the Islamic Army in Ziwa. We will not target them in any civilian settlement however, but they will be dealt with and we will free the people of Ziwa from this threat. Those of you who are watching while under militia control, know that we are coming to save you, glory to Samgola!”

---

Unemployment was still high, it was a problem that needed to be dealt with and Xirsi, with the bill they had proposed earlier in the year they felt that it was able to help alleviate this. “Not only will the Lawful Justice Bureau aid in lowering unlawful arrests but employ Samgolan, this aiding in solving one of the problems that we are experiencing in our country.”