Hidden 7 yrs ago 7 yrs ago Post by The Nexerus
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Democratic Alliance for Reform


The Story of Jayamma Gobeni: Part 1


The Minister of Transportation & Urban Development, Jayamma Gobeni, was an old man with a long history in Samgola. He was from the country's east, born in the slums of Ayoullo, where he'd grown up as the youngest of three sons of a single mother. A bright young boy, Jayamma had worked as a child laborer to put himself through school, learning French and the classical sciences in a preliminary school run by the colonial government established by the France, who were Samgola's imperial overlords in those days. Jayamma was a diligent, quiet student, assertive but friendly, who stuck up for his classmates and endeared himself to his teachers. He had remained largely ignorant to affairs of state and governance until after he had completed his education, when political consciousness was thrust unto him by a climactic event affecting his family.

His eldest brother, Alexandre, had been disgusted with his family's destitution and had become an active participant in revolutionary, anti-imperialist socialism in the country, seeking to overthrow the French to restore liberty and equality to all Samgola. Shortly after Jayamma had graduated, Alexandre was imprisoned, and months later his mother was informed that her son had died in prison. His brother's death in custody hardened Jayamma's resolve, and he soon took his brother's place in the revolutionary socialist organization, the Revolutionary People's Front of Samgola. Jayamma served as an agitator for the RPFS, recruiting his friends and neighbours in Ayoullo to bolster the organization's membership in Nambé province. As the years passed he formed alliances with moderate socialists and trade unionists and collaborated with them in making incremental changes to advance Samgola's autonomy and implement some minor reforms, though he never abandoned his membership in the RPFS or his dreams of revolution. Nonetheless, he became a popular figure in leftist political circles of all stripes in Ayoullo, advancing his credentials and those of his organization.

When the French grip on authority in Kamidye began to loosen, the RPFS went from merely advocating violent revolution to actively participating in it, becoming a part of the socialist element of the Samgolan Indepedence War. Jayamma played only a minor role in the events, eloping shortly after the war began with Asha (née Kazadi), an upper-class woman from a minority tribe in Samgola given favored status by the French administration. The two lived a quiet life together in relative peace in a small, countryside village in revolutionary controlled south-eastern Nambé. Mrs. Gobeni gave birth to a daughter during the war, who Jayamma chose to name 'Mmeri'—the word 'victory', in Asha's native language. Asha would unfortunately pass away shortly after independence, dying in childbirth delivering Jayamma's second and final child, named after her mother. Jayamma relocated to Kamidye with his two young daughters, hoping to find work in the newly sovereign and representative Samgolan government so as to provide for his family. Unfortunately, the hard-line stances of the RPFS were incompatible with the ideology of the newly emerged government, and Mr. Gobeni found himself politically discredited, out of work, and with two young daughters to feed. Without many options, he turned to crime.

Kamidye was a busy city after independence was achieved. The French colonial officials had been forced to leave the country, presenting the upper classes of Samgola with many colonial villas and other fanciful residences of former state officials to inhabit. Within years, if not months, nearly the whole of Samgola's wealthy lived in this one city. Naturally, this made it an easy place to make a living ripping them off. Jayamma had some experience evading authorities in his pre-war days, running from French gendarmerie that had sought to put down sovereigntist and communist agents and sympathizers. These same talents came in use in a life of crime, giving Jayamma the connections and experience needed to make a prosperous and reasonably risk-balanced living stealing from the rich. He was ethical in this theft—in his own mind—only thieving from those living a life unimaginably more prosperous than his own, and all to support himself and his children. As they grew older, though, Jayamma became concerned that his ways were impart poorly on his children, and their moral compass would be distorted from the actions of their father. On the day his daughters enrolled in school together, Jayamma made a vow that he would never steal again, and instead used his remaining connections with the political left to enter himself into Kamidye's organized labour system.

TO BE CONTINUED IN PART 2




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Labour Front
The Ground Game


Across the nation Labour Front fundraisers were being held. The party leadership being all too aware of their currently limited funds, representatives of the party went out into the provinces to accrue funding at hosted rallies and conventions while Party leader Aman Mensah remained in the province of Nambe to continue his campaign for the vote of the large numbers of socialists who called the province home. At a fundraiser in Nambe before a primarily socialist crowd Mr Mensah warned against "the dangers of the increasing privatization of this nation at the hands of the Liberty Coalition. Whose very first act was to unshackle the private companies in the Health industry of any form of regulation at the expense of the people." Going further Mr Mensah hailed that "the only way to stop the gradual destruction of this nation is to band together against the corporate, profit-driven interest groups currently running the government and to hold them accountable."

More further afield, the scathing article written by the trade unionist Nwankwe Owu titled "Six Months In" had gained the attention of the Labour Front. It was during the later weeks of the March month when party officials had approached the writer with an offer of employment. The offer was simple, that for $15,000 annually Mr. Owu would be hired as a writer for Labour Front papers, articles and propaganda. While the writer would be allowed to continue any other editorials or projects he decided to embark upon, at the price of his name on a legally binding contract to not write politically motivated papers for any other Samgolan political party, Nwankwe would recieve a pay rise to $18,000 annually.

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Samgolan Dawn:


Bassong Administration


Kamidye


“Sir.” a voice could be heard “Sir, Zan.” It went on. Finally Zan awakened dazed and confused before he saw his friends Ralin, Zaya and Jasura. “W-W-Where am I?” Zan said as he attempted to lean up before falling back down in pain. “Zan, you’re in the prison hospital, you were stabbed. Lucky to be alive right now.” Ralin said with a smile looking over his boss. “The goddamn communists who’ve still not been dealt with got ya. Luckily word has it the leader had an accident with the guards. Jasura said with a smile. “Just rest, sir. You’ll need your strength for the rest of your sentence. Who knows what the communists might do.” Zaya said as he paced back and forth. Zan slowly nodded “It is good to see you my friends. Are we alone right now?” The three of them nodded as Zaya shut the door. “Shortly before my arrest I had met with the Islamic Army leader. He said his forces weren’t as numerous as reports may seem and needed help getting weapons. While I am no longer in command use that information as you will.” Zan sighed as he moved his hand over the wounds in his stomach. “Furthermore, I am unsure if I will even return to a life of politics. I am a defeated man, stabbed, imprisoned. I used to run this country and how the damned CAPs have it. Jasura I heard you became leader use your strength combined with Zaya’s voice and together you will make an unstoppable team. But please go don’t make me keep you.” Jasura and Zaya wanted to say something but Zan stopped them and sent them out and they followed their commands. It was Ralin and Zan left. “Sir, I don’t know what to do. I fear if they don’t destroy the party, our rivals will. Without you as our voice, I think we may return to the sand.” Zan smiled and shook his head. “Worry not, Ralin if times prove dire I will return but I believe in the party. However I will need you help, I want to write a book. About my life and ideals, it must be shown to the country. Will you assist me?” Ralin nodded and quickly grabbed a pen and paper. They spent the next several hours discussing and figuring out the layout of the book.

Ziwa


As Jasura returned to Ziwa after speaking to his friend and companion Zan. He took time to think things over, his current plans of strength weren’t working he had no legal ground to stand on. Instead he would have to push the people away from the Liberty Coalition and their ideals. While the Brick and Mortar act appeared to be working wonders, the weakest link of the Coalition was the SPP. Especially after the wreck of things happening in Ziwa. Jasura would go to the sight of the Watongo village and the standoff. Meeting with the former hostages and the loved ones of the victums. Not for political gain but to whole heartedly show his compassion as he knows the terror in their eyes having nearly just lost his father figure.



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Bassong Government: ??% Approval

Symbol for Samuel Bassong's Liberty Coalition Government (1993-)


March 17th
The Liberal Democrats propose the Freedom of Choice Act in the National Assembly and call to vote the Aviation Safety Act. All 63 Liberal Democrats vote in favor of the bill: 63 AYE - 0 NAY.


Samgolan National Assembly, 1994


March 18th
The one lone member of the Samgolan Technocratic Union also votes in favor of the Aviation Safety Act. 64 AYE - 0 NAY.

March 19th
The Democratic Alliance for Reform votes on the Aviation Safety Act and the lone Labour Front MNA votes no: 129 AYE - 1 NAY.

March 20th
The Minister of State & Foreign Affairs, Charles Mpeya--officially holding the title for nearly seven months--leaves the country on his first official foreign visit, this time to South Africa to discuss trade relations. He is expected to return in April.

March 21st
The Democratic Alliance for Reform proposes the Act to Amend the Cabinet of Samgola to Appoint a Minister to the Lawful Protection Bureau in order to appoint Obiang M. Nguema as Minister of the Lawful Protection Bureau. The Samgola Dawn party votes no on the Aviation Safety Act. 129 AYE - 84 NAY. It passes. An $8,000,000,000 tax credit will be given to Samgola Air.

March 22nd
The Flagbearers hold a rally in Tenkossé City, but less than 100 people show up, and the Flagbearers that do are unimpressed. [-21 membership of the Flagbearers.]

The Labour Front hires Nwankwe Owu as a writer of political propaganda for them. [-$18,000. +1 free Campaign: Ground Game action per year.]

March 23rd
The Democratic Alliance for Reform holds a private fundraiser in Ayoullo, entertaining various political donors. [See PM for Potential Donors.]








Every 6 Hours, a week passes.
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Bassong Government: ??% Approval

Symbol for Samuel Bassong's Liberty Coalition Government (1993-)


March 24th
The Workers Party of Samgola announces March 24th as their creation day. Not a political party, they are a political organization made up of mostly Socialists, Poor and Trade Unionists who wish to use their collective presence within the Workers Party to lobby the government to pass socialist legislation. Since it's beginning, the Liberty Coalition had been a mixed bag of deregulation and spending programs, but the passage of the Aviation Safety Act, as cited by Workers Party President Francis Emuneweke, was the last straw. Continuing to deregulate the market was taking the power of the people. The Workers Party had a small base out of Nambé with just 78 founding members.


Official party emblem of the Samgolan Workers Party, 1994


March 26th
Samgola Air begins negotiations with Minister of Transportation & Urban Housing Jayamma Gobeni on the full implementation of their $8,000,000,000 tax credit dispersal.








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Bassong Government: ??% Approval

Symbol for Samuel Bassong's Liberty Coalition Government (1993-)


April 1st
Minister of State & Foreign Affairs Charles Mbeya is admitted to see the South African president F. W. de Klerk. Klerk was mostly unimpressed that the Samgolans had come--not in search of friendship or diplomacy--but largely in reaction to the economic tariffs levied against Samgola. Klerk was adamant that the tariffs were necessary for the coming year, considering an election was coming up, South Africa needed to appear strong. [Trade Relations with South Africa set to Minor Tariffs Imposed.] Whether Mbeya would stay to negotiate or leave was up to him.

April 4th
The Workers Party of Samgola holds a rally in Mutasa City gaining another dozen members to their cause. Non-violent and oriented entirely as a grass roots lobbyist movement, they make their campaign slogan: "A Samgola for All Workers."

April 6th-7th
Samgolan soldiers thwart an attempt by the National Militias to attack a series of outlying villages. In a firefight that lasted thirteen hours, 4 Samgolan are killed and 37 Militia are killed or wounded. [+1% Approval for Ministry of Defense. +2.5% to Goal in Peacekeeping in Ziwa.]








Every 6 Hours, a week passes.
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Samgolan Dawn:


Bassong Administration


Kamidye, National Assembly


“Good morning, my fellow members of the national assembly. I would like to call to vote, the Governmental Oversight bill which will introduce an official opposition to the government as well as an official speaker position which will keep this assembly in order.” Zaya Kolin continued to rant about the usefulness of the bill and reasoning behind it before finally voting along with his party.

Soussiam, Bourem


“And our current government continues to wage a war on our soil. Without checking for assembly or civilian opinion. There are people who are killed weekly and no one asks the families of our victims what happens or how’d they like this to be conducted. Meanwhile the Justice Department sits idly by as people get put in the wrong court system and force to pay the government for undo wrongs. Let’s not forget to mention how the Liberty Coalition receive major funding from organizations behind the scenes such as the blatant “Airplane Safety Act” which was passed without so much as a squeak from the apparent Democratic Alliance for Reform. Which has only voted in favor of their partner. All of this disgusts me!” Jasura spit to the side of his podium. “Corruption runs rampant in other departments, a nicely worded letter to the nigerian president supposedly had funds in it as well. I think a bribe? Meanwhile we have diplomats traveling to South Africa with no official report, reasoning or how his actions are being spent only that the tariffs had been lowered!” Jasura takes a moment to dab his forehead and do a sniffing smell. “Do you know what this all smells like? It smells like corruption at the highest level of authority. Which is why my party introduce the Governmental Oversight Bill and it is being called to a vote. It’s plan is to help make the government more transparent and hopefully lessen the amount of corruption already rampant in the government.” Jasura continued speaking on the matter in his home province of Soussiam

Kamidye, Shu-Shu


As Jakob looked around the shu-shu villages he shook his head. While the places were built in bulk and meant to house individuals and small families. After construction on that area finished it quickly became apparent how utterly a failure these were. The so call Shu-Shu places are no more the better looking shanty towns for the poor. While the young Jakob could have followed in his father’s footsteps and joined the military he knew it was better to be with the people and became an official member of the Dawn. One of his first assignments had been to help recruit people for the party from the Shu-Shu towns of Kamidye. Informing them of their traditionalist, conservative values and hopes to keep the country stable against the communists who still live within prisons throughout Samgola. He only hoped this was a stepping stone for greatness.


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Bassong Government: ??% Approval

Symbol for Samuel Bassong's Liberty Coalition Government (1993-)


April 8th
The Brick & Mortar Act continues to pave the way for the destruction of unemployment and removing homelessness--but the fundamental issue of how far the Brick & Mortar Act could go would soon become a point of contention in the National Assembly. Many of the companies awarded contracts and funds were already looking at the end of the proverbial road map and what options were available to them to 'wipe their hands clean' after the profits had stopped rolling in. That being said, the Brick & Mortar Act remained Samgola's largest work relief and economic stimulus program in history. It's effects would be felt for decades to come. [-0.81% Unemployment]


Samgolan contract workers under the Brick & Mortar Act, April 1994


April 9th
The formal dissolution of the Samgolan Patriotic Party would not come for some many months, but on April 9th, 1994--less than seven months into the Bassong Administration, Minister of Justice Inge Gaza was called to give testimony on his actions on December 15th, 1993 and January 13th, 1993 when he ordered both the "destruction of evidence" and "obstruction of justice." Gaza, for reasons unknown, although many suggested Liberal Democrats had evidence of personal wrongdoing on Gaza's wife, Gaza admitted to the crimes of corruption and handed in his resignation. The blow came as a major shock to the Bassong Administration, as Gaza--for all intents and purposes--destroyed damning evidence on Zan Mahol that could have potentially lead to major crimes against the state. [The Minister of Justice resigns. -20% Approval for Minister of Justice.]

April 10th
Public opinion polls of the Samgolan Patriotic Party reach less than 5% and Xirsi F. Sahra is attacked on his way out of the S.P.P. headquarters in Kamidye and badly injured.

April 11th
The Samgola Dawn party votes unanimously on the Government Oversight Bill: 83 AYE - 0 NAY.

April 12th
Under heavy pressure due to the failing strategy in Ziwa, Minister of Defense Oluwasegun Teleola resigns three hours after a shootout ends with 16 Samgolan soldiers and 19 National Militia dead. [The Minister of Defense resigns. -10% Approval Minister of Justice.]

April 13th
Jasura Hervit delivers a speech deriding the corruption of the Bassong Administration in Soussiam Province. [+5.5% Conservatives in Soussiam.]

April 14th
Door to door, Samgola Dawn activists make their way through Kamidye, targeting the Poor and ensuring that under a "Samgola Dawn," no such corruption would be allowed. [+16000 Poor voters in favor of Samgola Dawn.]








Every 6 Hours, a week passes.
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Samgolan Technocratic Union


National Assembly


As the situation was developing in Kamidye, with the corruption and the scandal within the Department of Justice - the Technocratic Union agreed that there might be a new elections on the rise. Since the situation had devolved so rapidly that the once strong Samgolan Patriotic Party had dropped in a short in quite the amount.

As such, it was agreed they would try and gain funds - in the few states, they hadn't touched yet. As this was happening, they also planned on using them for a sensible purpose. As the situation was devolving within the Liberal Coalition itself - nobody had taken the liberty of organizing a decent estimate of the approval of Bassong Government.

As such the STU decided on spending around $50,000 on gathering an estimate of the situation - namely for visiting numerous local provinces and cities, talking with the ruling leaders there, calling in on some radio stations and even randomly interviewing people on the streets on their take on the situation.

Although with the situation as bad as it was - homelessness, unemployment and even corruption rocking the government. It was agreed, that the people needed something to help in the polite term, distract from all the madness that was going on in Samgola. Plus it would aid them in the long run.

In addition, the STU has decided after some talks with the Liberal Democrats to propose an tax-payer money saving Amendment to their Freedom of Choice Act - in order to both help the doctors of both public and private hospitals and allow them easier access to their patient' files.



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Bassong Government: ??% Approval

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May

May 1st
The Samgolan Technocratic Union proposes the Tax Income Reduction Bill in the National Assembly.

May 2nd
Polling, performed by the Samgolan Technocratic Union is performed and the results are sent to the S.T.U. Party Headquarters in Kamidye.

May 5th
Hearings on the Samgolan Patriotic Party begins, scrutinizing to the fullest degree the actions of every one of the more than dozen different MNA's. It is hypothesized that no less than 9 of the 15 MNA's were involved in the Mahol Scandal, aiding in the reallocation of funds, 'fudging' paperwork and participating in actions to cover up the scandal.

May 6th
One of the nine MNA's involved--an MNA serving the 16th Seat of Makumbe, officially resigns.

May 7th
The Samgolan Patriotic Party is officially dissolved. The other fourteen MNA's who have no resigned are immediately stripped of their position and MP's are sent to their house for their arrest. One of the fourteen is found in his home dead from a self-inflicted gunshot wound to the temple. An emergency Special Election for those fifteen National Assembly seats will be held, to be decided in three works at the end of May.








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Samgolan Dawn:


Bassong Administration


Ayoullo, Nambe


Jasura stepped up before the crowd that had been chanting “For the Dawn!” for a few minutes now. He gave a quick fist salute to the people and quieted them down before giving his speech. “Citizens of Nambe, I come before you today to speak of a very important issue. Something that I think all of the muslims can acknowledge. The national militias. Under Zan the party promised to deal with the militia in a very nice way. Plans to open talks and thank them for providing protection to those who needed it most during the horrors of the civil war. However, President Bassong seems to think otherwise, he and his cabinet instead under a pretense of community policing would rather start another war on our own land in Ziwa. While it may seem distant from you, having recently been there and even hearing of such destruction and dangerous acts on the news such as the Tabongei Nursery Standoff. Even worse the apparent corruption within the Bassong Regime and the former SPP even more so. All of these factors and more contribute to the rising militia threat. So much so that I wish we could do something yet with the illegal duties of a paramilitary how can we. So instead the party leadership and I decided to create a fundraiser for anyone hurt or any damages caused during the attacks in ziwa and I implore you all to donate. As all donations will go to the families there who need it.” Jasura continued speaking on the issue of the bassong government and the militas.

Kamidye, National Assembly


“So, it appears our government. Once again is corrupt this time losing two ministers and party leaders to be out right openly attacked. I move we expel the SPP as a political entity, the president puts into action a way to hold special elections and Mr. Mahol be allowed free due to corrupt actions within the President’s own government.” Zaya Kolin, shouted to the assembly room. As his party began chanting “Free him!” Till the day was done. But afterwards Zaya and the party organized something bigger and more special.

Kamidye


After sundown around 7:00 pm. Zaya and other party members hosted a rally in Kamidye starting at the Samgolan Dawn Party headquarters. From there they marched forth to the National Assembly Building and the Presidential building caring torches and SD banners all the while calling for the release of Zan and something to be done about the rampant reports of corruption within the Bassong Regime and that if he and his men can’t get something done they should resign.


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Liberal Democrats

The Parliament


After several weeks of discussion and negotiation, it had seemed as though the Freedom of Choice act was finished. The stakes on the bill seemed relatively high, as it seemed unlikely to pass through government without the help of rebellious MNAs, to stand against both the D.A.R. and S.D. Just as he was the one to call it into creation, so to would he send it off, Dominic Melembe took center stage. “I would like to officially call to vote the Freedom of Choice Act. I understand that many men and women here have voiced opposition to this bill, morally and fundamentally, some calling it extreme others corrupt. Before we begin voting, I would like to reassure everyone here whose mind can still be swayed that this bill is in the interest of the nation, let us show to the world that Samgola is a country both willing and capable of accepting modern thoughts and ideals. Let us show that Samgola is a country of both freedom and liberty. Let us show that Samgola is capable of progress. Thank you.” Dominic then quietly took his seat among his fellow MNAs, the party had already made its decision, but only time would tell what the rest of the floor decided.





The Ministry of State and Foreign Affairs


With recent difficulties negotiating a trade deal with South Africa, Charles Mpeya had hit a dead end. It had seemed as though for the first time in Samgolan history, that the nation had been isolated. The country of Nigeria’s increasingly aggressive attitude combined with the cold hostility from South Africa’s president, made it increasingly difficult to set up close relations with their neighbors and former partners.

Several weeks after visiting with South Africa, Charles was interviewed by a local Samgolan news station on how he planned on moving forward. “It seems as though since the brutal civil war fought not long ago, our-our country has become isolated. Diplomatically, we have few friends in a world where they mean everything. In order to survive, we need, the country needs to branch out. This means, for the first time ever, establishing a friendship with the west. To begin I’ll be traveling to France in a couple of days to set up trade agreement between our two nations. Eventually, should things go well, our country will slowly begin to prosper and bring a great deal of industry to our nation.” To Charles beginning these negotiations with the former imperialists seemed obvious, yet he understood the thin line that he stood upon.




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Bassong Government: ??% Approval

Symbol for Samuel Bassong's Liberty Coalition Government (1993-)


May

May 10th
Charles Mbeya, Foreign Minister of Samgola, departs South Africa for France.

May 14th
The Governmental Oversight Bill passes the National Assembly. A Assembly Speaker must be nominated and voted for, as well as a Shadow Government formed by Samgola Dawn.

May 21st
The first election for the 22nd National Assembly Seat is held, the first of many following the dissolution of the Samgolan Patriotic Party.. In a contested election, Samgola Dawn wins the seat with 5,000 more votes than the Liberal Democrats. Fourteen more seats will have elections held in the coming weeks.








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Liberal Democrats

Advertising Kamidye


During prime time television on several major news networks various political ads began to appear throughout Kamidye and other major cities throughout Samgola. All featuring the elderly Yembe Songè sitting on a chair in front of a calming fire, before he began to speak. “Greetings Samgola, many of you are probably aware of who I am, former presidential candidate and current minister of trade and finance, Yembe Songè. When I was younger, around the age of twenty, I was present during the Kamidye Massacre in 1962. The French marching upon our homeland. A time of weakness and insecurity within the hearts of our homeland. Today, we continue to show weakness and insecurity on the world stage, something that saddens me greatly. Our current President Mr. Bassong, has so far failed to revitalize our nation’s military and effectively protect the borders of Samgola. This is why my fellow Samgolans, I ask that you stand with me and the Liberal Democrats this coming election. Let’s show strength, let’s rebuild our nation, let’s tear our enemies down, and let’s show the world Samgola doesn’t submit.”

Another later that day of a different nature appeared, this time showing Yembe Songè standing in the slums of a small village just outside Olouye. “Greetings Samgola, this is the village of Moda. Nearly 1 in 3 men and woman here are unemployed, a disgraceful reality that has plagued the current administration, and while my half of the coalition has made great strides to improve upon the lives of these citizens, President Bassong has irresponsibly pushed temporary employment programs. My fellow Samgolans, we can’t maintain a nation of construction workers. This is why the Liberal Democrats will continue to find both free market and permanent solutions to the unemployment problem that plagues our great nation. While the opposition fights this legislation at every turn, I will continue to fight for your right to work. Let the world know that Samgola will work.”





The Ministry of State and Foreign Affairs

This had not been the first time Charles Mpeya had visited France, in fact he had study abroad at Paris Descartes University when he was in his early twenties, where he learned to speak both French and English fluently. Walking the streets of Paris had almost been a nostalgic experience for him, he had made a great many of friends during his stay. Few of whom he had unfortunately remained in contact with.

A small ceremony was immediately held, symbolic of the blossoming friendship between the French and Samgolan people. Once the French President François Mitterrand had the opportunity to speak and introduce Mr. Mpeya, he took center stage. Charles first greeted the public in French, as a show of respect for the nation and then in Samgolan. He wanted to both appease the nationalists at home who would likely be watching this and show a unity between the two peoples. Then he continued his speech in French, “It is a great pleasure for me to be here in this beautiful country. I hope that by being here, that our people can mend a wound that has remained open for longer than many of either of our people can remember. Bring two brethren nations, of not Africa or Europe, but of the world together. To trade and prosper, in the name of both freedom and democracy. Let us remember that together, France and Samgola will be stronger. Thank you.” Charles quietly stepped away from the podium, before several questions were hurled at him. Official negotiations wouldn’t occur for several more days, until then he would have to remain in his hotel room.


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Samgolan Dawn:


Bassong Administration


Bignoa, Dijidan


“That brings me to my next point brothers and sisters. The Liberal Democrat’s so called “Freedom of Choice Bill” was put up to a vote by MNA Dominic Melembe, this horribly ridiculous bill can’t be allowed to pass. It’s an insult to anything we value, our bodies something God gave us. The Liberal Democrats even got the endorsement of the Samgola Mission for Christ, campaigning on maintaining traditional relationships of men and women. Yet this outrageous bill which I don’t even understand how it was thought of other then by men who are so out of touch with women they’d rather be with men, made it not only into a bill but is now being voted upon. One amendment I dare say, would allow “gender reassignment surgery” this blasphemy is awful and could reflect poorly not only on our country but on our own sacred youth. They shouldn’t hear or even know about such horrible things. We must protect them and vote this bill down which my party has full intention to do. But come next election show the money grubbing, transgender loving, capitalist whores, liberial democrats you won’t stand for this and vote for the Dawn.” Jasura smiled as the crowd roared to life chanting for the dawn once more, Jasura was able to quiet them down and continue but he knew the LD’s had made a fumble.

National Assembly


Zaya Kolin, after the passing of the Governmental Oversight bill quickly began building a shadow cabinet he even decided to work with another opposition party, the Labour Front offering Ashur Boro become the Shadow Minister for Welfare and allow them to monitor all of Bassong’s welfare policies. He then took a stand before the national assembly and spoke “I would like to thank the National Assembly for passing this daring bill to help monitor our already corrupt presidency and cabinet. Furthermore, I would like to nominate Dominic Melembe for the speaker of the National Assembly. He has been a good politician and really represents the youth and a new age of Samgola, one whom I think can show us an unpolluted assembly unlike our counterpart in the bassong government.” Zaya then leads his hand over to Dominic and begins clapping before heading back to his seat with a smirk on his face. After the meeting he sent the cabinet to Jasura to keep him informed.



Kamidye Prison


As Zan was still recovering, though much better than he had been a few weeks ago. He still was in the hospital room of the prison. But during this time he and his trusty aide Ralin had been working on a book, with the rough title “Darkness before the Dawn” which would be part autobiography and partly a manifesto for Zan and by extension his parties ideals. So far it had covered the youth of Zan, who was born shortly after the revolutionary war. His father while not a hero did fight in the war and was a respected officer in the Samgolan army. Though he was abusive both to his wife and 4 children. A sister who had died at a young age due to the lack of medical supplies while, one later on in life had died in the civil war. By the year 1993 only Zan and his sister whom he had lost contact were alive. But the abusive and rough upbringing taught Zan the importance of discipline and loyalty, he was bred to be a soldier and as luck would have it an officer. Zan never had a formal education but he had an exceptional mind for organization and rallying those he needed to get things done. The rest was still being worked on the idea of only lightly touching on zan’s time as aide to the president, could be done two ways. Short and sweet or as Zan would have it true, even if it did put him dangerously close to the former regime even more so then people would have known. Ultimately that would be decided upon later as would the rest of the book. As he had been hearing rumors of an early release due to corruption within the bassong regime specifically by the SPP and by extension the justice courts. Zan smirked at the notion of this but if he was released he would have to play the cards close to his chest.


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Liberal Democrats

The Parliament


While Dominic was astonished by the nomination as speaker, he had no intention of accepting such a position. “While I appreciate the kind gesture by Samgola Dawn it isn’t my intention to play the role of the speaker. I already hold a spot as a minister within our executive, to also play the role of both a speaker and a MNA would be an overwhelming amount of work for a single man. I encourage all who would vote for me as Speaker to instead choose my kind friend Salomon Massamba, whom you remember as proposing the Aviation Safety Act. He is more than capable of holding his own.”

It is at this point that Salomon Massamba stood up and announced “I happily accept this nomination as speaker by Dominic. I’m sure that Samgola Dawn will place as much faith as me as they did in Dominic and I encourage other parties to place their faith in me just the same. My only desire is for the national assembly to run smoothly and democratically. Thank you.”




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Samgolan Technocratic Union


National Assembly




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Democratic Alliance for Reform



The Story of Jayamma Gobeni: Part 2


As a politically connected member of organized labour, Jayamma Gobeni sought to use his prior talents as an agitator for the Revolutionary People's Front of Samgola to maximum effect. The transition was a simple one: he would become a leading enforcer, in charge of ensuring payment of dues by workers and compliance with union action such as strikes and picketing. Drawing from his experience as a ne'r-do-well in Kamidye, Gobeni employed legally questionable tactics aimed at advancing the labour agenda. Though a fundamentally moral man, Jayamma was not above using actions bordering on violence to advance the interests of the working class, and many a scab was given a beating by Gobeni and his compatriots, to defend those interests.

Over time, though, this heavy-handedness came to take a toll on Gobeni, reminding him of why he'd left his criminality behind in the first place. He was determined to set a good example for his daughters, and avoid setting them down a path that would lead them to accept—or even to adopt—violence, as a means to any end. Therefore, Jayamma began to take more conciliatory measures in dealing with organized labour's enemies, making appeals to worker's families and aligning himself with pro-union employers and lawmakers to remove the impetus for free-riding. Mr. Gobeni's new measures proved more effective at endearing the unions to the workers and increasing both enrollment and compliance, and they helped to turn him against the principle of aggressive action. This moderation turned Jayamma's reputation from one of an enforcer to more of a conciliator; a change in hats that made capable his formal entry into the political scene.

Democracy in the old days of the National Regime was a farce, barely existing in any meaningful sense. Elections, when they were held, were far from free or fair, with opposition parties hampered both in the campaign process as well as in the electoral system itself. Rubusana loyalists counted the votes, drew the boundaries and set all the rules. President Rubusana and his cronies won every election in a lopsided landslide—but they still needed an opposition of some kind to exist, to legitimize their rule internationally. Jayamma knew that the opposition had no chance of opposing Rubusana democratically, but he still eagerly campaigned against him, earning support for himself and his ideas, for when the regime fell and the people of Samgola would be free to exercise their democratic will. Gobeni was active in this faux-opposition for years, playing a major role in amounting what opposition he could to Rubusana and his oppressive administration. Only when the People's Front launched their revolt, and the regime's order collapsed, did Jayamma's political career once again evolve.

Gobeni was strongly opposed to the People's Front. To him, they represented the past—an ideology and set of methods that Jayamma had long since laid to rest for himself. He was deeply concerned to see many of his compatriots in organized labour and the opposition side with the People's Front, trading one brutal regime for another and allowing Samgola to fall to civil war. Ever the caring father, Jayamma used what money he had to ensure that his now adult daughters could escape the country, helping his eldest Mmeri to relocate to Paris, and his youngest, Asha, to find refuge in the United States. For his own party, Jayamma retreated to internal exile back in SPF-controlled Nambé, using his connections within Samgola's socialist movement to ensure he would not be troubled by the People's Front, even as he refused to support them.

As the war continued, Jayamma remained in contact with Mmeri and Asha, and was pleased to find both following in their father's footsteps and becoming political active in the émigré community. Mmeri focused on appealing to international organizations, helping (alongside the efforts of countless others) to establish popular support for Task Force Europa, which would eventually enter into Samgola to end the conflict. Asha Gobeni, though—who shared her name with her dearly departed mother—became involved with the Democratic Alliance for Reform. Asha was successful in turning her father Jayamma in favour of the D.A.R., and he became one of Samuel Bassong's main contacts in Samgola, reporting to him from the ground on the conditions in the country and the atrocities committed by all sides involved in the fighting. Although he did not formally join the D.A.R., Gobeni's views came to closely align with theirs, intoxicated as he was by their fervent opposition to continued armed conflict: a position his contemporaries in organized labour, so many of them aligned with the People's Front, did not share.

When Task Force Europa arrived in Kamidye, the war had already begun to wind down, with the National Regime putting the People's Front on their last legs, at the cost of thousands of dead and the ceding of an immense amount of power and authority to the ascendant National Militias. Jayamma Gobeni, turned off from the red flag by its supporters' violent, revolutionary methods, instead decided to join the Democratic Alliance for Reform. He returned to Kamidye, now under the firm control of Task Force Europa, and met the future president Samuel Bassong in person for the first time. Gobeni's campaigning in favour of the D.A.R. in the ensuing election helped turn many of Samgola's urban poor, among them many former socialists, to Bassong's side. He was elected an MNA in his hometown in Ayoullo, and rewarded for his efforts with a cabinet position after Samuel Bassong and the D.A.R.'s victory. Gobeni became Minister of Transportation and Urban Development, a role that allowed him to implement his dream legislation, the Brick & Mortar Act. He is now among the most popular members of the Bassong Administration's cabinet, having played a pivotal role in reversing the unemployment and homelessness crisis thrust upon Samgola by the devastation of the civil war. He is among the most personally popular political figures in the country, and, due to bureau's successes if nothing else, is seen as the number three man in the D.A.R., behind only President Bassong and Prime Minister Yombi. If anything were to happen to either of the D.A.R.'s two main political figures, Jayamma Gobeni would make a worthy successor to either one.



The Democratic Alliance for Reform's reaction to the unrolling of the Gaza Scandal was one of dismay and of disgust. The Samgolan Patriotic Party, once seen as ideological compatriots during the election and as strategic allies during the first period of the administration's governance, had revealed themselves to be corrupt and weak. The Minister of Justice, Inge Gaza, who had long before proven himself to be incompetent, had also testified to corruption, and resigned in disgrace. President Bassong had come down hard on the SPP, calling for the party's dissolution in private talks and making public statements during his tours of Kamidye that sharply criticized its former members.

Asked by a journalist during an event in the capital if he would consider admitting any former SPP members into the DAR, President Bassong responded with strong words.

"The Samgolan Patriotic Party are a disgrace to this country; they have betrayed Samgola, plain and simple. They have been involved in scandal and corruption—near every single one of them—behind closed doors, and I would not trust any one of their number to join the Democratic Alliance for Reform. I am immensely glad that their party has been dissolved. Their kind are exactly what our party is trying to excise from Samgola: corruption and indecency and misrule. I could not imagine any place for any of their former members in the D.A.R. And, I would add, that I am eager to see the future ministers Nguema and Ewanè clean up the messes that the SPP left behind in their bureaus. I have a close relationship and great confidence in Mr. Nguema in particular, and I'm eager to see him demonstrate the excellence of his skill and character in the Justice Bureau."




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Labour Front
The National Assembly


Ashur Boro sat in the chamber of the National Assembly, his face one of consternation as he observed the latest events. In the same speech that Mr. Kolin, Leader of the Opposition, had announced the creation of the Shadow Cabinet which was according to plan, he had gone onto begin praising none other then Mr. Melembe. The Minister for Labour and Health within the government and the same man who had insulted Ashur in the last set debates on the National Assembly floor. The grand irony to it all was that had a Speaker been present, Mr. Melembe would have at-the-least been reprimanded for his venomous words, but instead his punishment came in the form of a nomination to that respected station of Speaker.

When Ashur had confronted Zaya after the National Assembly session had drawn to a close, he had received the baffling explanation that the entire ordeal had been some infernal and backwards plot to reveal corruption within the ranks of the Liberal Democrats. With these words in mind and the knowledge that Samgola Dawn would place their political antics and agenda over the well being of Samgola and the running of it's democracy, the party had resolved that the fortunes of the Labour Front would not be tied to Mr. Kolin's Shadow Cabinet or Samgola Dawn. Days later Mr. Boro would tender his resignation to the Leader of the Opposition behind closed doors to avoid scandal, with a simple public announcement declaring that due to a "disagreement on direction" Mr. Boro would be resigning from his seat as Shadow Minister for Welfare and would be instead focusing his efforts as a member of the National Assembly furthering the interests of the people of Samgola.



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Labour Front
The Ground Game


Following the speeches and groundwork laid down by the party leader Aman Mensah in months prior, the new term oversaw the deployment of political activists into the province of Nambe. Playing the ground game, activists for the Labour Front went door-to-door with articles, pamphlets and leaflets in hand, most of which being the work of the party's new propagandist Nwankwe Owu. As time had passed under the new government, the Labour Front had remained at work gradually and steadily increasing the presence of the party in Nambe, vying for it's socialist vote in particular. Now that position which had taken root months prior would be assured with Labour Front people now on the ground. Party leader Mr. Mensah likewise remained in the province, being vocal and present at rallies for the ultimate campaign whose fate would be decided in two years time.



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