I am currently looking for arbiters for a new roleplay I am launching, World in Madness. The basic pitch is as follows:
You are the executive administration of a modern nation emerging from a bitter global cataclysm. It is your task to sway a cynical populace toward your ideals and navigate a world polarized by ideologues and threatened by the specter of the apocalypse. You will guide your the broken remains of a state and reforge the ashes into a bright dawn.
The setting is most aptly described as a roughly dieselpunk-apocalyptic setting heavily augmented by the physics and patterns of our own world. Various superweapons beyond nuclear technology will eventually be available, some of which will not be strictly scientific.
In the initial application phase, interested parties will send in the manifestos of their administration, and then be returned key events in their historical timeline that tie them to the rest of the world. In the final application phase, prospects send in a comprehensive information sheet including their administration's view of their history. After this, a full public and private national information sheet will be assembled with the information the interested has given and a full report of their nations inner workings.
Posts are from the perspective of primary sources in the nation, often state newspapers and required readings, although possibly more independent sources. As such, no post is ever considered actual canon. Two sides can both claim they won a conflict when in reality they tied. Very little minusha-moderation is required, as it is completely possible that multiple primary sources claim different versions of events.
As a note about my personal directing style, I do enforce minimum word counts and a strict style guide. Given such, I have never had to kick anybody for bad writing; only because they broke hard rules. If you are extremely uncomfortable with the idea of word minimums, this may not be the place to inquire. I try to be fair with the actual numbers; they are standards of effort rather than results. Until I see proof that less quantity leads to higher quality, I also won't buy any bit about quality over quantity. If you have further questions on stylistics than what is covered here, feel free to ask.
The roleplay is a competitive one, although not one that will permit blatant rudeness toward any arbitration. High spirits are to be expected but respect is demanded.
In an arbiter, I'm looking for somebody above all committed to creating an immersive and compelling experience. No particular skillset is required, although arbiters will be tasked with interpreting player agendas and formulating results and player information sheets. Some experience with GMing in the past (even if not forum-based or NRPs) is preferred although not required. In addition, one of the chief roles of arbiters is creative development, and in this it should be noted that I am rarely looking for an argument so much as case to be made for a change and/or a diagnosis of an issue. Respecting a design process is key here. Finally, the role of an arbiter also extends into keeping the OOC community active. It is my personal experience that groups of any size live or die based on their OOC activity and bonds with one another, even over the internet.
If you're interested, please say so. I have a fledgling discord set up but if you aren't really sure you want to take the plunge then PMing me or just asking questions is likely the best course of action.
Concept art: Title: Discord Icon: Chalam System: (Chalam system, from left to right: Shemensh, the star, Nagah, the stellar satellite, Sheol the Red Planet, Kokhav, Homeworld, Levanah her moon, Shamayhim the Blue Planet, Madim the Gas Giant, her moon the silent Shabbatai, and the Kesil Belt.) Preliminary Physical Map:
ACCORDING to the formal division of the subject of these papers, announced in my first number, there would appear still to remain for discussion two points: ``the analogy of the proposed government to your own State constitution,'' and ``the additional security which its adoption will afford to republican government, to liberty, and to property.'' But these heads have been so fully anticipated and exhausted in the progress of the work, that it would now scarcely be possible to do any thing more than repeat, in a more dilated form, what has been heretofore said, which the advanced stage of the question, and the time already spent upon it, conspire to forbid.
It is remarkable, that the resemblance of the plan of the convention to the act which organizes the government of this State holds, not less with regard to many of the supposed defects, than to the real excellences of the former. Among the pretended defects are the re-eligibility of the Executive, the want of a council, the omission of a formal bill of rights, the omission of a provision respecting the liberty of the press. These and several others which have been noted in the course of our inquiries are as much chargeable on the existing constitution of this State, as on the one proposed for the Union; and a man must have slender pretensions to consistency, who can rail at the latter for imperfections which he finds no difficulty in excusing in the former. Nor indeed can there be a better proof of the insincerity and affectation of some of the zealous adversaries of the plan of the convention among us, who profess to be the devoted admirers of the government under which they live, than the fury with which they have attacked that plan, for matters in regard to which our own constitution is equally or perhaps more vulnerable.
The additional securities to republican government, to liberty and to property, to be derived from the adoption of the plan under consideration, consist chiefly in the restraints which the preservation of the Union will impose on local factions and insurrections, and on the ambition of powerful individuals in single States, who may acquire credit and influence enough, from leaders and favorites, to become the despots of the people; in the diminution of the opportunities to foreign intrigue, which the dissolution of the Confederacy would invite and facilitate; in the prevention of extensive military establishments, which could not fail to grow out of wars between the States in a disunited situation; in the express guaranty of a republican form of government to each; in the absolute and universal exclusion of titles of nobility; and in the precautions against the repetition of those practices on the part of the State governments which have undermined the foundations of property and credit, have planted mutual distrust in the breasts of all classes of citizens, and have occasioned an almost universal prostration of morals.
Thus have I, fellow-citizens, executed the task I had assigned to myself; with what success, your conduct must determine. I trust at least you will admit that I have not failed in the assurance I gave you respecting the spirit with which my endeavors should be conducted. I have addressed myself purely to your judgments, and have studiously avoided those asperities which are too apt to disgrace political disputants of all parties, and which have been not a little provoked by the language and conduct of the opponents of the Constitution. The charge of a conspiracy against the liberties of the people, which has been indiscriminately brought against the advocates of the plan, has something in it too wanton and too malignant, not to excite the indignation of every man who feels in his own bosom a refutation of the calumny. The perpetual changes which have been rung upon the wealthy, the well-born, and the great, have been such as to inspire the disgust of all sensible men. And the unwarrantable concealments and misrepresentations which have been in various ways practiced to keep the truth from the public eye, have been of a nature to demand the reprobation of all honest men. It is not impossible that these circumstances may have occasionally betrayed me into intemperances of expression which I did not intend; it is certain that I have frequently felt a struggle between sensibility and moderation; and if the former has in some instances prevailed, it must be my excuse that it has been neither often nor much.
Let us now pause and ask ourselves whether, in the course of these papers, the proposed Constitution has not been satisfactorily vindicated from the aspersions thrown upon it; and whether it has not been shown to be worthy of the public approbation, and necessary to the public safety and prosperity. Every man is bound to answer these questions to himself, according to the best of his conscience and understanding, and to act agreeably to the genuine and sober dictates of his judgment. This is a duty from which nothing can give him a dispensation. 'T is one that he is called upon, nay, constrained by all the obligations that form the bands of society, to discharge sincerely and honestly. No partial motive, no particular interest, no pride of opinion, no temporary passion or prejudice, will justify to himself, to his country, or to his posterity, an improper election of the part he is to act. Let him beware of an obstinate adherence to party; let him reflect that the object upon which he is to decide is not a particular interest of the community, but the very existence of the nation; and let him remember that a majority of America has already given its sanction to the plan which he is to approve or reject.
I shall not dissemble that I feel an entire confidence in the arguments which recommend the proposed system to your adoption, and that I am unable to discern any real force in those by which it has been opposed. I am persuaded that it is the best which our political situation, habits, and opinions will admit, and superior to any the revolution has produced.
Concessions on the part of the friends of the plan, that it has not a claim to absolute perfection, have afforded matter of no small triumph to its enemies. ``Why,'' say they, ``should we adopt an imperfect thing? Why not amend it and make it perfect before it is irrevocably established?'' This may be plausible enough, but it is only plausible. In the first place I remark, that the extent of these concessions has been greatly exaggerated. They have been stated as amounting to an admission that the plan is radically defective, and that without material alterations the rights and the interests of the community cannot be safely confided to it. This, as far as I have understood the meaning of those who make the concessions, is an entire perversion of their sense. No advocate of the measure can be found, who will not declare as his sentiment, that the system, though it may not be perfect in every part, is, upon the whole, a good one; is the best that the present views and circumstances of the country will permit; and is such an one as promises every species of security which a reasonable people can desire.
I answer in the next place, that I should esteem it the extreme of imprudence to prolong the precarious state of our national affairs, and to expose the Union to the jeopardy of successive experiments, in the chimerical pursuit of a perfect plan. I never expect to see a perfect work from imperfect man. The result of the deliberations of all collective bodies must necessarily be a compound, as well of the errors and prejudices, as of the good sense and wisdom, of the individuals of whom they are composed. The compacts which are to embrace thirteen distinct States in a common bond of amity and union, must as necessarily be a compromise of as many dissimilar interests and inclinations. How can perfection spring from such materials?
The reasons assigned in an excellent little pamphlet lately published in this city, are unanswerable to show the utter improbability of assembling a new convention, under circumstances in any degree so favorable to a happy issue, as those in which the late convention met, deliberated, and concluded. I will not repeat the arguments there used, as I presume the production itself has had an extensive circulation. It is certainly well worthy the perusal of every friend to his country. There is, however, one point of light in which the subject of amendments still remains to be considered, and in which it has not yet been exhibited to public view. I cannot resolve to conclude without first taking a survey of it in this aspect.
It appears to me susceptible of absolute demonstration, that it will be far more easy to obtain subsequent than previous amendments to the Constitution. The moment an alteration is made in the present plan, it becomes, to the purpose of adoption, a new one, and must undergo a new decision of each State. To its complete establishment throughout the Union, it will therefore require the concurrence of thirteen States. If, on the contrary, the Constitution proposed should once be ratified by all the States as it stands, alterations in it may at any time be effected by nine States. Here, then, the chances are as thirteen to ten in favor of subsequent amendment, rather than of the original adoption of an entire system.
This is not all. Every Constitution for the United States must inevitably consist of a great variety of particulars, in which thirteen independent States are to be accommodated in their interests or opinions of interest. We may of course expect to see, in any body of men charged with its original formation, very different combinations of the parts upon different points. Many of those who form a majority on one question, may become the minority on a second, and an association dissimilar to either may constitute the majority on a third. Hence the necessity of moulding and arranging all the particulars which are to compose the whole, in such a manner as to satisfy all the parties to the compact; and hence, also, an immense multiplication of difficulties and casualties in obtaining the collective assent to a final act. The degree of that multiplication must evidently be in a ratio to the number of particulars and the number of parties.
But every amendment to the Constitution, if once established, would be a single proposition, and might be brought forward singly. There would then be no necessity for management or compromise, in relation to any other point no giving nor taking. The will of the requisite number would at once bring the matter to a decisive issue. And consequently, whenever nine, or rather ten States, were united in the desire of a particular amendment, that amendment must infallibly take place. There can, therefore, be no comparison between the facility of affecting an amendment, and that of establishing in the first instance a complete Constitution.
In opposition to the probability of subsequent amendments, it has been urged that the persons delegated to the administration of the national government will always be disinclined to yield up any portion of the authority of which they were once possessed. For my own part I acknowledge a thorough conviction that any amendments which may, upon mature consideration, be thought useful, will be applicable to the organization of the government, not to the mass of its powers; and on this account alone, I think there is no weight in the observation just stated. I also think there is little weight in it on another account. The intrinsic difficulty of governing thirteen States at any rate, independent of calculations upon an ordinary degree of public spirit and integrity, will, in my opinion constantly impose on the national rulers the necessity of a spirit of accommodation to the reasonable expectations of their constituents. But there is yet a further consideration, which proves beyond the possibility of a doubt, that the observation is futile. It is this that the national rulers, whenever nine States concur, will have no option upon the subject. By the fifth article of the plan, the Congress will be obliged ``on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the States which at present amount to nine, to call a convention for proposing amendments, which shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as part of the Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the States, or by conventions in three fourths thereof.'' The words of this article are peremptory. The Congress ``shall call a convention.'' Nothing in this particular is left to the discretion of that body. And of consequence, all the declamation about the disinclination to a change vanishes in air. Nor however difficult it may be supposed to unite two thirds or three fourths of the State legislatures, in amendments which may affect local interests, can there be any room to apprehend any such difficulty in a union on points which are merely relative to the general liberty or security of the people. We may safely rely on the disposition of the State legislatures to erect barriers against the encroachments of the national authority.
If the foregoing argument is a fallacy, certain it is that I am myself deceived by it, for it is, in my conception, one of those rare instances in which a political truth can be brought to the test of a mathematical demonstration. Those who see the matter in the same light with me, however zealous they may be for amendments, must agree in the propriety of a previous adoption, as the most direct road to their own object.
The zeal for attempts to amend, prior to the establishment of the Constitution, must abate in every man who is ready to accede to the truth of the following observations of a writer equally solid and ingenious: ``To balance a large state or society, says he, whether monarchical or republican, on general laws, is a work of so great difficulty, that no human genius, however comprehensive, is able, by the mere dint of reason and reflection, to effect it. The judgments of many must unite in the work; experience must guide their labor; time must bring it to perfection, and the feeling of inconveniences must correct the mistakes which they inevitably fall into in their first trials and experiments.'(Hume's ``Essays,'' vol. i., page 128: ``The Rise of Arts and Sciences.') These judicious reflections contain a lesson of moderation to all the sincere lovers of the Union, and ought to put them upon their guard against hazarding anarchy, civil war, a perpetual alienation of the States from each other, and perhaps the military despotism of a victorious demagogue, in the pursuit of what they are not likely to obtain, but from time and experience. It may be in me a defect of political fortitude, but I acknowledge that I cannot entertain an equal tranquillity with those who affect to treat the dangers of a longer continuance in our present situation as imaginary. A nation, without a national government, is, in my view, an awful spectacle. The establishment of a Constitution, in time of profound peace, by the voluntary ocnsent of a whole people, is a prodigy, to the completion of which I look forward with trembling anxiety. I can reconcile it to no rules of prudence to let go the hold we now have, in so arduous an enterprise, upon seven out of the thirteen States, and after having passed over so considerable a part of the ground, to recommence the course. I dread the more the consequences of new attempts, because I know that powerful individuals, in this and in other States, are enemies to a general national government in every possible shape.
As a note regarding what I mean by a style guide, it essentially means the standards of quality for every post. They will be strict, although all criterion will be quantitative as to avoid any possible confusion or appearance of mistreatment.
Criterion you should expect: 1. A word (or character, undecided) count minimum and maximum. See the hider below for the examples I am considering when deciding on these numbers.
2. Grammatical correctness; being reasonably well-written. I'll outline specifics, but this will include some weird rules. Namely, use contractions whenever possible, quote things in a special format, don't color your dialogue, never bold or underline for emphasis (only italicize), and a bunch of other rules. 3. More information about what the IC tab actually is. In brief, the idea is that the tab is a history textbook filled with surviving pieces of information about an older world.
The roleplay is set in an authoritarian buffer state. The timeline begins a decade after the first use of atomic weapons, year 10 of the Atomic Calendar. This use was in the Ash War, the bloodiest conflict of human history by all measures. This war saw the end of the Caedulon Empire, the last of the old nations and the target of hostilities from the revolutionary nations headed by Dursky and Bachenlov. The state of the world is one of cold war and the specter of apocalypse looms large over the world. The two superpowers have organized themselves into a series of one-party states ruled by the Populists and the Egalitarians. The following, by order of importance to our setting, are the focal nations: 1. National Republic of Vodlund (Vodlund) This is the primary focal nation, and the nation that you as players will write about. More about them later. 2. People's Republic of Gunsteid (Gunsteid) Gunsteid is a satellite state of the Popular Durskier Union, and the Populist state bordering Vodlund. Gunsteid is also the most active supporter of the United Front, the Vodland revolutionary movement seeking to overthrow the Nationalists. 3. Worker's Republic of Ivoscheia (Ivoscheia) Ivoscheia is aligned with the International Worker's Fraternity and is ruled by an increasingly totalitarian regime. They are the primary backer of the Vodlund Worker's Party. 4. Popular Durksier Union (Dursky) Dursky is a world superpower with the foremost nuclear technology. They are the father of the Global People's Revolution and are affiliated with the Populist Parties. The global radicalization came about originally from the Durskier Revolution of -44 A. S., which was the progenitor of all proceeding revolutions against the old nations. 5. Bachenlov Worker's State (Bachenlov) Bachenlov is the counterpart are frequent antagonist to Dursky, an equal superpower with rapidly developing nuclear capabilities. The Bachenlov Revolution soon followed the Durskier Revolution. originally the two revolutionary nations allied, but their relationship quickly deteriorated due to ideological differences and divergent global interests. Bachenlov is the mother of the International Worker's Fraternity. 6. Kingdom of Penkane (Penkane) Shortly following the radical revolutions, a movement for further democratic control in the old nations of the east came about. the result of this was the world's first constitutional monarchy, the Kingdom of Penkane. Since then, Penkane has transformed into a cultural, if not a military, superpower. Although not the equal of Bachenlov or Dursky, they have succeeded in maintaining their independence and become the world's first truly post-industrial society. As a result, it has seen a massive influx in immigration from the revolutionary nations and has become a beacon of civilization. They have recently developed nuclear weapons. 7. Malethai Holy Dominion (Malethai) The last refuge of the old nations, Malethai is the holy state and the seat of the Church of Maleth, the state religion of Vodlund. The state extends to a considerable domain given their status. The holy state has become increasingly enveloped in international politics despite their own best efforts.
Listing by power status and alphabet. Categorized by alignment, power status, and industrialization. Includes all major powers.
POP - Populist; aligned with the People's Global Revolutionary Organization. Within Populist control. WRK - Egalitarian; aligned with the International Worker's Fraternity. Within Egalitarian control. CON - Constitutionalist; aligned with the Constitutional or Democratic movements. Broadly refers to any Constitutional nation regardless of national political control, provided that the nation meets the standards of Constitutionalism. NTR - Neutral; unaligned with any major international movement. This term may also include non-Constitutional nations with national political control sympathetic or otherwise friendly with other international factions although not under their unilateral control. FLS - Failed State; actively undergoing civil war between one or more internationally aligned factions and/or deterioration of central authority.
A - Super Power B - Great Power C - Major Power D - Minor Power
3.0 - Post-Industrialized; transitioned to a service economy. 2.5 - Post-Industrializing; transitioning from a manufacturing/goods-based economy to a service economy. 2.0 - Industrial; transitioned to a manufacturing/industrial economy. 1.5 - Industrializing; transitioning from an agrarian economy to a manufacturing/industrial economy. 1.0 - Pre-Industrialization; transitioned to an agrarian economy.
(A) (BWS) Bachenlov Worker's State (WRK) (2.0) (A) (DRU) Popular Durskeir Union (POP) (2.0) (B) (DSU) Dasswelar-Thurana Commonwealth (POP) (2.0) (B) (EPR) Elovan People's Republic (POP) (2.5) (B) (KWU) Korelthian Worker's Union (WRK) (1.5) (B) (PNK) Kingdom of Penkane (CON) (3.0) (B) (SWR) Sourosi Worker's Republic (WRK) (1.5) (C) (CDR) Caedulon Republic (FLS) (2.5) (C) (IWR) Ivoscheian Worker's Republic (WRK) (2.5) (C) (KUL) Kulapitan Sultanate (UNA) (2.0) (C) (MHD) Malethai Holy Dominion (UNA) (3.0) (C) (MSO) Mesotitchan Empire (UNA) (1.0) (C) (NPA) Nytarian People's Alliance (POP) (1.5) (C) (NRV) National Republic of Vodlund (UNA) (2.5) (C) (PRG) People's Republic of Gunsteid (POP) (2.5) (C) (RLC) Republic of the Lasant and Colentia (CON) (2.5) (C) (WWS) Walluchian Worker's State (WRK) (1.5)
Vodlund itself is divided into four Provinces, each ruled and named for a capital city: Voddelt, Griselth, Saint Autreus, and Vicom City.
Voddelt Capitol Hall Cathedral District National Garrison Griselth Saltharbor Griselth Alpine Park Factory District Saint Autreus National University of Saint Autreus Masoleum of Saint Autreus Philosophy Hall Vicom City Paradise Row Club Vitium Smoketown
Entirely for the sake of simplicity, the calendar length will be exactly 360 days. The following is a glossary of calendar terms: Sol: Equal to one solar orbit. Commonly referred to as a year. Metric prefixes (mili, kilo, mega, giga, etc.) are applied to denote their usual multiplicative meanings (0.001x, 1,000x, 1,000,000x, 1,000,000,000x, etc.). More commonly, civic term lengths are often measures in bisols (two years) and tetrasols (four years). Sols, in the Atomic calendar, are counted as the years since four days after the first militarized use of the Atom Bomb. The Atom Bomb was dropped just four days before the first day of Spring, and the Tetraday (Thuraenai) proceeding the anniversary is the most somber of the international holidays. Often abbreviated A. S. for Atomic Sols. Quarter: One fourth of a solar orbit, equal to 90 days. The quarters, in the order they come in the year, are Spring, Summer, Autumn, and Winter (in shorthand dates, often W, X, Y, Z). Fortnight: Twelve days; two weeks. Seven and a half fortnights are in every quarter. The fortnights reaching into two quarters are centered on the Summer Solstice and the Winter Solstice. There are thirty fortnights in a year. Fortnights are commonly broken up into Tetradays. Week: Six days. There are two weeks in a fortnight. Weeks are a moderately uncommon unit of measurement. Tetraday: Four days. There are three in a fortnight, and in Vodlund they are named for the primary saints of the Malath Church: Saphael, Autreus, and Thuraenai (S, A, T). Day: One planetary rotation. There are twenty-four hours in a day and three bells. Bell: Eight hours. The bells are dawn (0:00-7:59), noon (8:00-15:59), and dusk (16:00-23:59). They are considered customary time measurements and used rarely except by the Malath Church. Occasionally, these are abbreviate as X, Y, and Z bells. Hour: Sixty minutes, each comprised of sixty seconds, etc. There are twenty-four hours in a day.
Typically, dates ascend from 0.A.00.S.00.00.00.00 (Seconds (00-59), Minutes (00-59), Hours (00-23), Days (00-90, irrespective of tetraday, resetting by quarter), Tetradays (S, A, T), Fortnights (00-29, irrespective of quarter), Quarters (A, B, C, D), and the Atomic Sol (counting from 0). The roleplay begins 9.D.29.T.00.00.00.00. Most calendars measure from the day (0.A.00.S.00) and most watches measure by the second (00.00.00) and may occasionally include the bell (00.X.00.00). The shorthand for the day includes the quarter and days between 00 and 89 (A.00).
Vodlund national holidays are bolded. Provincial holidays are given starred notes (*Saint Autreus).
Atom Day, D.86. Feast of Saint Saphael, A.03 Feast of Saint Autreus, A.28 (*Saint Autreus) Feast of Saint Thuranai, D.43 Prayer of Maleth, C.46 Midwinter Feast, D.45 Midsummer Feast, B.45 Nation Day, B.23 Civic Inauguration, B.50
To begin with, this is a roleplay about journalism first and foremost, and more specifically, about how journalism interacts with society. Ultimately, everything else is window dressing. The setting, the mechanics, even the style is ultimately built around the concept of how history and information work and how chroniclers play into or against the biases of the public. This isn't a glamorous roleplay. There's action, but it's a vessel for writing, not something for the players to take part in directly. The journalists will affect the world, but in the way actual journalists do: with hard work and in slow pace followed by short bursts of upheaval. This realism makes the premise function as a simulation and commentary, not an escapist fantasy. If that's a dealbreaker, much apologies, now may be the time to stop reading. Thematically, the roleplay focuses on authoritarianism, media suppression, civic struggle, the role of a nation, and to a certain extent aspires to political satire. If the above sounds academic and daunting, to a certain extent it is. That said, rarely will such high level concepts be visible at the levels of single articles so much as the arc of the posts. More to the meat of your role as a player, the basic structure is that at certain specified intervals reports will be published with information of the happenings in the setting. Reports will also list interview candidates, which may be interviewed on the discord server (details in mechanics). With these interviews and information, you will write an article from the perspective of a journalist. The In Character section of the roleplay will consist of these articles. In addition, some players drawn by random selection based on their established connections will receive additional secret reports, these may contradict the government controlled public reports. The roleplay functions through dissenting articles and players. Much of the theme is focused on limited access to information and civic discourse. In-character disagreements are absolutely to be expected and are indeed encouraged. There will even be cases where players are deliberately lied to by sources and cases of bribery, intellectual dishonesty, and even treacheries of the highest order. That's what makes this fun, in my opinion.
Currently, details about the setting, mechanics, style guide, finalized expectations, and applications are being worked out. At the time of release I've spent six complete hours working on the setting alone but before I go further I'd like to increase my feedback pool. If this is your sort of thing, by providing feedback in Alpha stages you can help shape the roleplay itself. The best way to express your interest is to head to the discord.
ANNOUNCEMENT @Bluetommy has volunteered to be Co-Director! The gen will be delayed by 24 hours so we can release his first gen jointly. With two Directors more content will be flowing out of us, including some novel ideas of his own. Sincere thanks to him for applying in the middle of a rather unfortunate drought.
Hey, I'm back! Just finished moving across the good ol' USA and thought I might check to see if this is still a thing. Glad it's still here, and thanks for keeping me tagged.
Now time for me to get caught up. (Instead of reading the Scarlet Letter for summer hw.)
Eyyyyy! Welcome back! Feel free to join the party on discord. And no problem :-)
[hider=World in Madness: Hunt for an Arbiter]
I am currently looking for arbiters for a new roleplay I am launching, World in Madness. The basic pitch is as follows:
You are the executive administration of a modern nation emerging from a bitter global cataclysm. It is your task to sway a cynical populace toward your ideals and navigate a world polarized by ideologues and threatened by the specter of the apocalypse. You will guide your the broken remains of a state and reforge the ashes into a bright dawn.
The setting is most aptly described as a roughly dieselpunk-apocalyptic setting heavily augmented by the physics and patterns of our own world. Various superweapons beyond nuclear technology will eventually be available, some of which will not be strictly scientific.
In the initial application phase, interested parties will send in the manifestos of their administration, and then be returned key events in their historical timeline that tie them to the rest of the world. In the final application phase, prospects send in a comprehensive information sheet including their administration's view of their history. After this, a full public and private national information sheet will be assembled with the information the interested has given and a full report of their nations inner workings.
Posts are from the perspective of primary sources in the nation, often state newspapers and required readings, although possibly more independent sources. As such, no post is ever considered actual canon. Two sides can both claim they won a conflict when in reality they tied. Very little minusha-moderation is required, as it is completely possible that multiple primary sources claim different versions of events.
As a note about my personal directing style, I do enforce minimum word counts and a strict style guide. Given such, I have never had to kick anybody for bad writing; only because they broke hard rules. If you are extremely uncomfortable with the idea of word minimums, this may not be the place to inquire. I try to be fair with the actual numbers; they are standards of effort rather than results. Until I see proof that less quantity leads to higher quality, I also won't buy any bit about quality over quantity. If you have further questions on stylistics than what is covered here, feel free to ask.
The roleplay is a competitive one, although not one that will permit blatant rudeness toward any arbitration. High spirits are to be expected but respect is demanded.
In an arbiter, I'm looking for somebody above all committed to creating an immersive and compelling experience. No particular skillset is required, although arbiters will be tasked with interpreting player agendas and formulating results and player information sheets. Some experience with GMing in the past (even if not forum-based or NRPs) is preferred although not required. In addition, one of the chief roles of arbiters is creative development, and in this it should be noted that I am rarely looking for an argument so much as case to be made for a change and/or a diagnosis of an issue. Respecting a design process is key here. Finally, the role of an arbiter also extends into keeping the OOC community active. It is my personal experience that groups of any size live or die based on their OOC activity and bonds with one another, even over the internet.
If you're interested, please say so. I have a fledgling discord set up but if you aren't really sure you want to take the plunge then PMing me or just asking questions is likely the best course of action.
Concept art:
Title: [img]http://i.imgur.com/ICan37F.png[/img]
Discord Icon: [img]http://i.imgur.com/GV5YN5C.png[/img]
Chalam System: [img]http://i.imgur.com/NwkiTia.png[/img]
(Chalam system, from left to right: Shemensh, the star, Nagah, the stellar satellite, Sheol the Red Planet, Kokhav, Homeworld, Levanah her moon, Shamayhim the Blue Planet, Madim the Gas Giant, her moon the silent Shabbatai, and the Kesil Belt.)
Preliminary Physical Map: [img]http://i.imgur.com/nn40c6D.png[/img]
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[hider=The Last of the Federalist Papers]
ACCORDING to the formal division of the subject of these papers, announced in my first number, there would appear still to remain for discussion two points: ``the analogy of the proposed government to your own State constitution,'' and ``the additional security which its adoption will afford to republican government, to liberty, and to property.'' But these heads have been so fully anticipated and exhausted in the progress of the work, that it would now scarcely be possible to do any thing more than repeat, in a more dilated form, what has been heretofore said, which the advanced stage of the question, and the time already spent upon it, conspire to forbid.
It is remarkable, that the resemblance of the plan of the convention to the act which organizes the government of this State holds, not less with regard to many of the supposed defects, than to the real excellences of the former. Among the pretended defects are the re-eligibility of the Executive, the want of a council, the omission of a formal bill of rights, the omission of a provision respecting the liberty of the press. These and several others which have been noted in the course of our inquiries are as much chargeable on the existing constitution of this State, as on the one proposed for the Union; and a man must have slender pretensions to consistency, who can rail at the latter for imperfections which he finds no difficulty in excusing in the former. Nor indeed can there be a better proof of the insincerity and affectation of some of the zealous adversaries of the plan of the convention among us, who profess to be the devoted admirers of the government under which they live, than the fury with which they have attacked that plan, for matters in regard to which our own constitution is equally or perhaps more vulnerable.
The additional securities to republican government, to liberty and to property, to be derived from the adoption of the plan under consideration, consist chiefly in the restraints which the preservation of the Union will impose on local factions and insurrections, and on the ambition of powerful individuals in single States, who may acquire credit and influence enough, from leaders and favorites, to become the despots of the people; in the diminution of the opportunities to foreign intrigue, which the dissolution of the Confederacy would invite and facilitate; in the prevention of extensive military establishments, which could not fail to grow out of wars between the States in a disunited situation; in the express guaranty of a republican form of government to each; in the absolute and universal exclusion of titles of nobility; and in the precautions against the repetition of those practices on the part of the State governments which have undermined the foundations of property and credit, have planted mutual distrust in the breasts of all classes of citizens, and have occasioned an almost universal prostration of morals.
Thus have I, fellow-citizens, executed the task I had assigned to myself; with what success, your conduct must determine. I trust at least you will admit that I have not failed in the assurance I gave you respecting the spirit with which my endeavors should be conducted. I have addressed myself purely to your judgments, and have studiously avoided those asperities which are too apt to disgrace political disputants of all parties, and which have been not a little provoked by the language and conduct of the opponents of the Constitution. The charge of a conspiracy against the liberties of the people, which has been indiscriminately brought against the advocates of the plan, has something in it too wanton and too malignant, not to excite the indignation of every man who feels in his own bosom a refutation of the calumny. The perpetual changes which have been rung upon the wealthy, the well-born, and the great, have been such as to inspire the disgust of all sensible men. And the unwarrantable concealments and misrepresentations which have been in various ways practiced to keep the truth from the public eye, have been of a nature to demand the reprobation of all honest men. It is not impossible that these circumstances may have occasionally betrayed me into intemperances of expression which I did not intend; it is certain that I have frequently felt a struggle between sensibility and moderation; and if the former has in some instances prevailed, it must be my excuse that it has been neither often nor much.
Let us now pause and ask ourselves whether, in the course of these papers, the proposed Constitution has not been satisfactorily vindicated from the aspersions thrown upon it; and whether it has not been shown to be worthy of the public approbation, and necessary to the public safety and prosperity. Every man is bound to answer these questions to himself, according to the best of his conscience and understanding, and to act agreeably to the genuine and sober dictates of his judgment. This is a duty from which nothing can give him a dispensation. 'T is one that he is called upon, nay, constrained by all the obligations that form the bands of society, to discharge sincerely and honestly. No partial motive, no particular interest, no pride of opinion, no temporary passion or prejudice, will justify to himself, to his country, or to his posterity, an improper election of the part he is to act. Let him beware of an obstinate adherence to party; let him reflect that the object upon which he is to decide is not a particular interest of the community, but the very existence of the nation; and let him remember that a majority of America has already given its sanction to the plan which he is to approve or reject.
I shall not dissemble that I feel an entire confidence in the arguments which recommend the proposed system to your adoption, and that I am unable to discern any real force in those by which it has been opposed. I am persuaded that it is the best which our political situation, habits, and opinions will admit, and superior to any the revolution has produced.
Concessions on the part of the friends of the plan, that it has not a claim to absolute perfection, have afforded matter of no small triumph to its enemies. ``Why,'' say they, ``should we adopt an imperfect thing? Why not amend it and make it perfect before it is irrevocably established?'' This may be plausible enough, but it is only plausible. In the first place I remark, that the extent of these concessions has been greatly exaggerated. They have been stated as amounting to an admission that the plan is radically defective, and that without material alterations the rights and the interests of the community cannot be safely confided to it. This, as far as I have understood the meaning of those who make the concessions, is an entire perversion of their sense. No advocate of the measure can be found, who will not declare as his sentiment, that the system, though it may not be perfect in every part, is, upon the whole, a good one; is the best that the present views and circumstances of the country will permit; and is such an one as promises every species of security which a reasonable people can desire.
I answer in the next place, that I should esteem it the extreme of imprudence to prolong the precarious state of our national affairs, and to expose the Union to the jeopardy of successive experiments, in the chimerical pursuit of a perfect plan. I never expect to see a perfect work from imperfect man. The result of the deliberations of all collective bodies must necessarily be a compound, as well of the errors and prejudices, as of the good sense and wisdom, of the individuals of whom they are composed. The compacts which are to embrace thirteen distinct States in a common bond of amity and union, must as necessarily be a compromise of as many dissimilar interests and inclinations. How can perfection spring from such materials?
The reasons assigned in an excellent little pamphlet lately published in this city, are unanswerable to show the utter improbability of assembling a new convention, under circumstances in any degree so favorable to a happy issue, as those in which the late convention met, deliberated, and concluded. I will not repeat the arguments there used, as I presume the production itself has had an extensive circulation. It is certainly well worthy the perusal of every friend to his country. There is, however, one point of light in which the subject of amendments still remains to be considered, and in which it has not yet been exhibited to public view. I cannot resolve to conclude without first taking a survey of it in this aspect.
It appears to me susceptible of absolute demonstration, that it will be far more easy to obtain subsequent than previous amendments to the Constitution. The moment an alteration is made in the present plan, it becomes, to the purpose of adoption, a new one, and must undergo a new decision of each State. To its complete establishment throughout the Union, it will therefore require the concurrence of thirteen States. If, on the contrary, the Constitution proposed should once be ratified by all the States as it stands, alterations in it may at any time be effected by nine States. Here, then, the chances are as thirteen to ten in favor of subsequent amendment, rather than of the original adoption of an entire system.
This is not all. Every Constitution for the United States must inevitably consist of a great variety of particulars, in which thirteen independent States are to be accommodated in their interests or opinions of interest. We may of course expect to see, in any body of men charged with its original formation, very different combinations of the parts upon different points. Many of those who form a majority on one question, may become the minority on a second, and an association dissimilar to either may constitute the majority on a third. Hence the necessity of moulding and arranging all the particulars which are to compose the whole, in such a manner as to satisfy all the parties to the compact; and hence, also, an immense multiplication of difficulties and casualties in obtaining the collective assent to a final act. The degree of that multiplication must evidently be in a ratio to the number of particulars and the number of parties.
But every amendment to the Constitution, if once established, would be a single proposition, and might be brought forward singly. There would then be no necessity for management or compromise, in relation to any other point no giving nor taking. The will of the requisite number would at once bring the matter to a decisive issue. And consequently, whenever nine, or rather ten States, were united in the desire of a particular amendment, that amendment must infallibly take place. There can, therefore, be no comparison between the facility of affecting an amendment, and that of establishing in the first instance a complete Constitution.
In opposition to the probability of subsequent amendments, it has been urged that the persons delegated to the administration of the national government will always be disinclined to yield up any portion of the authority of which they were once possessed. For my own part I acknowledge a thorough conviction that any amendments which may, upon mature consideration, be thought useful, will be applicable to the organization of the government, not to the mass of its powers; and on this account alone, I think there is no weight in the observation just stated. I also think there is little weight in it on another account. The intrinsic difficulty of governing thirteen States at any rate, independent of calculations upon an ordinary degree of public spirit and integrity, will, in my opinion constantly impose on the national rulers the necessity of a spirit of accommodation to the reasonable expectations of their constituents. But there is yet a further consideration, which proves beyond the possibility of a doubt, that the observation is futile. It is this that the national rulers, whenever nine States concur, will have no option upon the subject. By the fifth article of the plan, the Congress will be obliged ``on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the States which at present amount to nine, to call a convention for proposing amendments, which shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as part of the Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the States, or by conventions in three fourths thereof.'' The words of this article are peremptory. The Congress ``shall call a convention.'' Nothing in this particular is left to the discretion of that body. And of consequence, all the declamation about the disinclination to a change vanishes in air. Nor however difficult it may be supposed to unite two thirds or three fourths of the State legislatures, in amendments which may affect local interests, can there be any room to apprehend any such difficulty in a union on points which are merely relative to the general liberty or security of the people. We may safely rely on the disposition of the State legislatures to erect barriers against the encroachments of the national authority.
If the foregoing argument is a fallacy, certain it is that I am myself deceived by it, for it is, in my conception, one of those rare instances in which a political truth can be brought to the test of a mathematical demonstration. Those who see the matter in the same light with me, however zealous they may be for amendments, must agree in the propriety of a previous adoption, as the most direct road to their own object.
The zeal for attempts to amend, prior to the establishment of the Constitution, must abate in every man who is ready to accede to the truth of the following observations of a writer equally solid and ingenious: ``To balance a large state or society, says he, whether monarchical or republican, on general laws, is a work of so great difficulty, that no human genius, however comprehensive, is able, by the mere dint of reason and reflection, to effect it. The judgments of many must unite in the work; experience must guide their labor; time must bring it to perfection, and the feeling of inconveniences must correct the mistakes which they inevitably fall into in their first trials and experiments.'(Hume's ``Essays,'' vol. i., page 128: ``The Rise of Arts and Sciences.') These judicious reflections contain a lesson of moderation to all the sincere lovers of the Union, and ought to put them upon their guard against hazarding anarchy, civil war, a perpetual alienation of the States from each other, and perhaps the military despotism of a victorious demagogue, in the pursuit of what they are not likely to obtain, but from time and experience. It may be in me a defect of political fortitude, but I acknowledge that I cannot entertain an equal tranquillity with those who affect to treat the dangers of a longer continuance in our present situation as imaginary. A nation, without a national government, is, in my view, an awful spectacle. The establishment of a Constitution, in time of profound peace, by the voluntary ocnsent of a whole people, is a prodigy, to the completion of which I look forward with trembling anxiety. I can reconcile it to no rules of prudence to let go the hold we now have, in so arduous an enterprise, upon seven out of the thirteen States, and after having passed over so considerable a part of the ground, to recommence the course. I dread the more the consequences of new attempts, because I know that powerful individuals, in this and in other States, are enemies to a general national government in every possible shape.
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<div style="white-space:pre-wrap;"><div class="hider-panel"><div class="hider-heading"><button type="button" class="btn btn-default btn-xs hider-button" data-name="World in Madness: Hunt for an Arbiter">World in Madness: Hunt for an Arbiter [+]</button></div><div class="hider-body" style="display: none">I am currently looking for arbiters for a new roleplay I am launching, World in Madness. The basic pitch is as follows:<br><br>You are the executive administration of a modern nation emerging from a bitter global cataclysm. It is your task to sway a cynical populace toward your ideals and navigate a world polarized by ideologues and threatened by the specter of the apocalypse. You will guide your the broken remains of a state and reforge the ashes into a bright dawn. <br><br>The setting is most aptly described as a roughly dieselpunk-apocalyptic setting heavily augmented by the physics and patterns of our own world. Various superweapons beyond nuclear technology will eventually be available, some of which will not be strictly scientific.<br><br>In the initial application phase, interested parties will send in the manifestos of their administration, and then be returned key events in their historical timeline that tie them to the rest of the world. In the final application phase, prospects send in a comprehensive information sheet including their administration's view of their history. After this, a full public and private national information sheet will be assembled with the information the interested has given and a full report of their nations inner workings.<br><br>Posts are from the perspective of primary sources in the nation, often state newspapers and required readings, although possibly more independent sources. As such, no post is ever considered actual canon. Two sides can both claim they won a conflict when in reality they tied. Very little minusha-moderation is required, as it is completely possible that multiple primary sources claim different versions of events.<br><br>As a note about my personal directing style, I do enforce minimum word counts and a strict style guide. Given such, I have never had to kick anybody for bad writing; only because they broke hard rules. If you are extremely uncomfortable with the idea of word minimums, this may not be the place to inquire. I try to be fair with the actual numbers; they are standards of effort rather than results. Until I see proof that less quantity leads to higher quality, I also won't buy any bit about quality over quantity. If you have further questions on stylistics than what is covered here, feel free to ask.<br><br>The roleplay is a competitive one, although not one that will permit blatant rudeness toward any arbitration. High spirits are to be expected but respect is demanded.<br><br>In an arbiter, I'm looking for somebody above all committed to creating an immersive and compelling experience. No particular skillset is required, although arbiters will be tasked with interpreting player agendas and formulating results and player information sheets. Some experience with GMing in the past (even if not forum-based or NRPs) is preferred although not required. In addition, one of the chief roles of arbiters is creative development, and in this it should be noted that I am rarely looking for an argument so much as case to be made for a change and/or a diagnosis of an issue. Respecting a design process is key here. Finally, the role of an arbiter also extends into keeping the OOC community active. It is my personal experience that groups of any size live or die based on their OOC activity and bonds with one another, even over the internet.<br><br>If you're interested, please say so. I have a fledgling discord set up but if you aren't really sure you want to take the plunge then PMing me or just asking questions is likely the best course of action.<br><br>Concept art:<br>Title: <img src="http://i.imgur.com/ICan37F.png" /><br>Discord Icon: <img src="http://i.imgur.com/GV5YN5C.png" /><br>Chalam System: <img src="http://i.imgur.com/NwkiTia.png" /><br>(Chalam system, from left to right: Shemensh, the star, Nagah, the stellar satellite, Sheol the Red Planet, Kokhav, Homeworld, Levanah her moon, Shamayhim the Blue Planet, Madim the Gas Giant, her moon the silent Shabbatai, and the Kesil Belt.)<br>Preliminary Physical Map: <img src="http://i.imgur.com/nn40c6D.png" /></div></div><br><br><div class="hider-panel"><div class="hider-heading"><button type="button" class="btn btn-default btn-xs hider-button" data-name="The Last of the Federalist Papers">The Last of the Federalist Papers [+]</button></div><div class="hider-body" style="display: none">ACCORDING to the formal division of the subject of these papers, announced in my first number, there would appear still to remain for discussion two points: ``the analogy of the proposed government to your own State constitution,'' and ``the additional security which its adoption will afford to republican government, to liberty, and to property.'' But these heads have been so fully anticipated and exhausted in the progress of the work, that it would now scarcely be possible to do any thing more than repeat, in a more dilated form, what has been heretofore said, which the advanced stage of the question, and the time already spent upon it, conspire to forbid.<br><br>It is remarkable, that the resemblance of the plan of the convention to the act which organizes the government of this State holds, not less with regard to many of the supposed defects, than to the real excellences of the former. Among the pretended defects are the re-eligibility of the Executive, the want of a council, the omission of a formal bill of rights, the omission of a provision respecting the liberty of the press. These and several others which have been noted in the course of our inquiries are as much chargeable on the existing constitution of this State, as on the one proposed for the Union; and a man must have slender pretensions to consistency, who can rail at the latter for imperfections which he finds no difficulty in excusing in the former. Nor indeed can there be a better proof of the insincerity and affectation of some of the zealous adversaries of the plan of the convention among us, who profess to be the devoted admirers of the government under which they live, than the fury with which they have attacked that plan, for matters in regard to which our own constitution is equally or perhaps more vulnerable.<br><br>The additional securities to republican government, to liberty and to property, to be derived from the adoption of the plan under consideration, consist chiefly in the restraints which the preservation of the Union will impose on local factions and insurrections, and on the ambition of powerful individuals in single States, who may acquire credit and influence enough, from leaders and favorites, to become the despots of the people; in the diminution of the opportunities to foreign intrigue, which the dissolution of the Confederacy would invite and facilitate; in the prevention of extensive military establishments, which could not fail to grow out of wars between the States in a disunited situation; in the express guaranty of a republican form of government to each; in the absolute and universal exclusion of titles of nobility; and in the precautions against the repetition of those practices on the part of the State governments which have undermined the foundations of property and credit, have planted mutual distrust in the breasts of all classes of citizens, and have occasioned an almost universal prostration of morals.<br><br>Thus have I, fellow-citizens, executed the task I had assigned to myself; with what success, your conduct must determine. I trust at least you will admit that I have not failed in the assurance I gave you respecting the spirit with which my endeavors should be conducted. I have addressed myself purely to your judgments, and have studiously avoided those asperities which are too apt to disgrace political disputants of all parties, and which have been not a little provoked by the language and conduct of the opponents of the Constitution. The charge of a conspiracy against the liberties of the people, which has been indiscriminately brought against the advocates of the plan, has something in it too wanton and too malignant, not to excite the indignation of every man who feels in his own bosom a refutation of the calumny. The perpetual changes which have been rung upon the wealthy, the well-born, and the great, have been such as to inspire the disgust of all sensible men. And the unwarrantable concealments and misrepresentations which have been in various ways practiced to keep the truth from the public eye, have been of a nature to demand the reprobation of all honest men. It is not impossible that these circumstances may have occasionally betrayed me into intemperances of expression which I did not intend; it is certain that I have frequently felt a struggle between sensibility and moderation; and if the former has in some instances prevailed, it must be my excuse that it has been neither often nor much.<br><br>Let us now pause and ask ourselves whether, in the course of these papers, the proposed Constitution has not been satisfactorily vindicated from the aspersions thrown upon it; and whether it has not been shown to be worthy of the public approbation, and necessary to the public safety and prosperity. Every man is bound to answer these questions to himself, according to the best of his conscience and understanding, and to act agreeably to the genuine and sober dictates of his judgment. This is a duty from which nothing can give him a dispensation. 'T is one that he is called upon, nay, constrained by all the obligations that form the bands of society, to discharge sincerely and honestly. No partial motive, no particular interest, no pride of opinion, no temporary passion or prejudice, will justify to himself, to his country, or to his posterity, an improper election of the part he is to act. Let him beware of an obstinate adherence to party; let him reflect that the object upon which he is to decide is not a particular interest of the community, but the very existence of the nation; and let him remember that a majority of America has already given its sanction to the plan which he is to approve or reject.<br><br>I shall not dissemble that I feel an entire confidence in the arguments which recommend the proposed system to your adoption, and that I am unable to discern any real force in those by which it has been opposed. I am persuaded that it is the best which our political situation, habits, and opinions will admit, and superior to any the revolution has produced.<br><br>Concessions on the part of the friends of the plan, that it has not a claim to absolute perfection, have afforded matter of no small triumph to its enemies. ``Why,'' say they, ``should we adopt an imperfect thing? Why not amend it and make it perfect before it is irrevocably established?'' This may be plausible enough, but it is only plausible. In the first place I remark, that the extent of these concessions has been greatly exaggerated. They have been stated as amounting to an admission that the plan is radically defective, and that without material alterations the rights and the interests of the community cannot be safely confided to it. This, as far as I have understood the meaning of those who make the concessions, is an entire perversion of their sense. No advocate of the measure can be found, who will not declare as his sentiment, that the system, though it may not be perfect in every part, is, upon the whole, a good one; is the best that the present views and circumstances of the country will permit; and is such an one as promises every species of security which a reasonable people can desire.<br><br>I answer in the next place, that I should esteem it the extreme of imprudence to prolong the precarious state of our national affairs, and to expose the Union to the jeopardy of successive experiments, in the chimerical pursuit of a perfect plan. I never expect to see a perfect work from imperfect man. The result of the deliberations of all collective bodies must necessarily be a compound, as well of the errors and prejudices, as of the good sense and wisdom, of the individuals of whom they are composed. The compacts which are to embrace thirteen distinct States in a common bond of amity and union, must as necessarily be a compromise of as many dissimilar interests and inclinations. How can perfection spring from such materials?<br><br>The reasons assigned in an excellent little pamphlet lately published in this city, are unanswerable to show the utter improbability of assembling a new convention, under circumstances in any degree so favorable to a happy issue, as those in which the late convention met, deliberated, and concluded. I will not repeat the arguments there used, as I presume the production itself has had an extensive circulation. It is certainly well worthy the perusal of every friend to his country. There is, however, one point of light in which the subject of amendments still remains to be considered, and in which it has not yet been exhibited to public view. I cannot resolve to conclude without first taking a survey of it in this aspect.<br><br>It appears to me susceptible of absolute demonstration, that it will be far more easy to obtain subsequent than previous amendments to the Constitution. The moment an alteration is made in the present plan, it becomes, to the purpose of adoption, a new one, and must undergo a new decision of each State. To its complete establishment throughout the Union, it will therefore require the concurrence of thirteen States. If, on the contrary, the Constitution proposed should once be ratified by all the States as it stands, alterations in it may at any time be effected by nine States. Here, then, the chances are as thirteen to ten in favor of subsequent amendment, rather than of the original adoption of an entire system.<br><br>This is not all. Every Constitution for the United States must inevitably consist of a great variety of particulars, in which thirteen independent States are to be accommodated in their interests or opinions of interest. We may of course expect to see, in any body of men charged with its original formation, very different combinations of the parts upon different points. Many of those who form a majority on one question, may become the minority on a second, and an association dissimilar to either may constitute the majority on a third. Hence the necessity of moulding and arranging all the particulars which are to compose the whole, in such a manner as to satisfy all the parties to the compact; and hence, also, an immense multiplication of difficulties and casualties in obtaining the collective assent to a final act. The degree of that multiplication must evidently be in a ratio to the number of particulars and the number of parties.<br><br>But every amendment to the Constitution, if once established, would be a single proposition, and might be brought forward singly. There would then be no necessity for management or compromise, in relation to any other point no giving nor taking. The will of the requisite number would at once bring the matter to a decisive issue. And consequently, whenever nine, or rather ten States, were united in the desire of a particular amendment, that amendment must infallibly take place. There can, therefore, be no comparison between the facility of affecting an amendment, and that of establishing in the first instance a complete Constitution.<br><br>In opposition to the probability of subsequent amendments, it has been urged that the persons delegated to the administration of the national government will always be disinclined to yield up any portion of the authority of which they were once possessed. For my own part I acknowledge a thorough conviction that any amendments which may, upon mature consideration, be thought useful, will be applicable to the organization of the government, not to the mass of its powers; and on this account alone, I think there is no weight in the observation just stated. I also think there is little weight in it on another account. The intrinsic difficulty of governing thirteen States at any rate, independent of calculations upon an ordinary degree of public spirit and integrity, will, in my opinion constantly impose on the national rulers the necessity of a spirit of accommodation to the reasonable expectations of their constituents. But there is yet a further consideration, which proves beyond the possibility of a doubt, that the observation is futile. It is this that the national rulers, whenever nine States concur, will have no option upon the subject. By the fifth article of the plan, the Congress will be obliged ``on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the States which at present amount to nine, to call a convention for proposing amendments, which shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as part of the Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the States, or by conventions in three fourths thereof.'' The words of this article are peremptory. The Congress ``shall call a convention.'' Nothing in this particular is left to the discretion of that body. And of consequence, all the declamation about the disinclination to a change vanishes in air. Nor however difficult it may be supposed to unite two thirds or three fourths of the State legislatures, in amendments which may affect local interests, can there be any room to apprehend any such difficulty in a union on points which are merely relative to the general liberty or security of the people. We may safely rely on the disposition of the State legislatures to erect barriers against the encroachments of the national authority.<br><br>If the foregoing argument is a fallacy, certain it is that I am myself deceived by it, for it is, in my conception, one of those rare instances in which a political truth can be brought to the test of a mathematical demonstration. Those who see the matter in the same light with me, however zealous they may be for amendments, must agree in the propriety of a previous adoption, as the most direct road to their own object.<br><br>The zeal for attempts to amend, prior to the establishment of the Constitution, must abate in every man who is ready to accede to the truth of the following observations of a writer equally solid and ingenious: ``To balance a large state or society, says he, whether monarchical or republican, on general laws, is a work of so great difficulty, that no human genius, however comprehensive, is able, by the mere dint of reason and reflection, to effect it. The judgments of many must unite in the work; experience must guide their labor; time must bring it to perfection, and the feeling of inconveniences must correct the mistakes which they inevitably fall into in their first trials and experiments.'(Hume's ``Essays,'' vol. i., page 128: ``The Rise of Arts and Sciences.') These judicious reflections contain a lesson of moderation to all the sincere lovers of the Union, and ought to put them upon their guard against hazarding anarchy, civil war, a perpetual alienation of the States from each other, and perhaps the military despotism of a victorious demagogue, in the pursuit of what they are not likely to obtain, but from time and experience. It may be in me a defect of political fortitude, but I acknowledge that I cannot entertain an equal tranquillity with those who affect to treat the dangers of a longer continuance in our present situation as imaginary. A nation, without a national government, is, in my view, an awful spectacle. The establishment of a Constitution, in time of profound peace, by the voluntary ocnsent of a whole people, is a prodigy, to the completion of which I look forward with trembling anxiety. I can reconcile it to no rules of prudence to let go the hold we now have, in so arduous an enterprise, upon seven out of the thirteen States, and after having passed over so considerable a part of the ground, to recommence the course. I dread the more the consequences of new attempts, because I know that powerful individuals, in this and in other States, are enemies to a general national government in every possible shape.</div></div><br></div>
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