Imperial Military Administration of the Northeastern Provinces
Императорская военная Администрирование от Северо-Восточных провинций

Съ нами Богъ - Боже, Царя храни
God is with Us - God Save the Tsar

From Harbin,
Addressed respectfully to His Imperial Majesty
Nicholas II, Emperor and Autocrat of All Russia etc.

Sire;

The invasion of Manchuria was a sparkling success. Our troops have moved swiftly and efficiently, and have secured all areas of Russian interest. The actions of the Boxers in their retaliation against Russians living in Manchuria were reprehensible, and shall be punished accordingly; however I must inform Your Imperial Majesty that the conduct of our Cossack regiments, as well, was disgraceful. I have reprimanded their Force Senior Officer and relieved several Centurions of their command and it is my hope that Your Imperial Majesty see fit to instill better values in all Imperial units in future engagements. We are not Frenchmen, it does not behoove us to act like savages.

In regards to the administration of this territory, I agree with the letter from Your Imperial Majesty's minister, dated the 23rd of last month, that the establishment of a friendly state in the area must occur only after a sufficient period of military administration. Martial law is currently in effect throughout the territory, and attempts are underway to establish liaisons with the indigenous population. I do request, however, that Your Imperial Majesty consider the relocation of Russian citizens to the area to bolster our control. It has been exceptionally difficult, especially, to make fruitful contact with the Old Believers; who are quite numerous in this area. I am no theologian, but perhaps Your Imperial Majesty could consider speaking to Metropolitan Vladimir about taking steps to heal the schism and further solidifying our control of both our Siberian and Chinese territories in the process.

Lastly, after due consideration with Your Imperial Majesty's ministers, it has been decided that the term Manchuria shall be phased from usage; as a Japanese creation. Instead the region shall in the interests of russification be known as Tartaria and designated as such where needed. It is my hope that this may further contribute to our long-term administration of the region, and that of any successor state.

Yours loyally,

Yevgeni Ivanovich Alekseyev OCC etc
Imperial Viceroy of Tartaria and the Far East

HIS IMPERIAL MAJESTY, THE EMPEROR AND AUTOCRAT OF ALL RUSSIA

From St. Petersburg
Addressed to Y.I. Alekseyev, OCC etc.

Admiral;

I am glad to hear of your reports in regards to our actions in Manchuria. Your service with the Gaselee expedition was worthy of reccomendation, and I am sure that you will not make me regret your appointment as Viceroy of Tataria. As the head of the provisional, military administration your immediate tasks are to re-establish order and justice in Tataria. Your actions concerning this undertaken within the ranks of the Cossacks are just and carry my complete approval. Truly, to Russia is the task to civilise the peoples here, like a mother and her children.

Admiral; To you is the task to establish a permanent, Russian-oriented administration in these territories. I will not claim to be an expert on these matters, but it seems important to me that if we are to create a lasting nation-state, we must set out to create a seperate Manchu identity. To utilise this we must cultivate nationalism amongst the native Manchu as well as spreading the True Faith amongst the Manchu and Chinese aside from sending Russian settlers to the region. It is to my understanding that many Han Chinese farmers have been imported, so to say, to work the fields of this country. If you deem it necessary, it may be possible to expel them from the region to set up a favourable balance, perhaps under the pretext to 'make room for the Russians', to bluntly put it.

However, your current task is to set up a state and all related institutions for Tataria. I shall leave to you many liberties in its organisation, but I order the creation of a monarchy, where I shall become the Emperor of Tataria, and I shall immediately appoint you as my First Minister to organise this land as best as you can. It also seems to me that Harbin, an important city with a Russian presence and connected to the Far Eastern Railway is most suited to be the capital. I give you my personal assurances that I shall work to the fullest that you shall be succesful; I shall direct the Trans-Siberian railway to branch into Tataria so its economy may thrive and as I mentioned before, I shall send settlers to the entire region, and Harbin in particular, to create a safe Russian, Christian area as the nerve centre for this region.

I wish you all the best in your endeavours and assure you that your every request and suggestion shall receive my personal attention.

Signed,

The Emperor and Autocrat of All Russia.

Dai Nippon Teikoku

This Six-Nation Alliance came together under the common cause of not only destroying the Boxer Rebellion, but maintaining peace and stability within China so that the years of progress made by us civilized nations of the world would not be undone. The Empire of Japan provided immense aid alongside the various members of this alliance, and while we were successful in this endeavor, the very nation who called upon us to form this Alliance has betrayed us all. While the Russian Empire did indeed lend assistance in crushing the Boxer Rebellion alongside the rest of this Alliance, it is apparent that they sought only to further their imperialist agenda in forcefully occupying Manchuria. A deplorable act which is only furthered by the barbarity in which the Russians acted against the local Chinese population, casting aside any sort of civility that they once claimed to have.

These brutal and imperialistic actions of the Russian Empire are not only an insult to the Six-Nation alliance, but to the entire civilized world. The Empire of Japan calls upon calls upon the various powers of Europe, as well as the United States to denounce the actions of the Russian Empire and demand their immediate withdrawal from Manchuria at once. Their presence in Manchuria, much like the Boxer Rebellion, is a threat to peace and stability in both China and the Far East.

~ His Imperial Majesty The Emperor of Japan, Meiji the Great

The Fundamental Law of the Kingdom of Tataria
Основной Закон Koролевство Татарии

Съ нами Богъ - Боже, Царя храни
God is with Us - God Save the Tsar

Article One

The Kingdom of Tataria is henceforth to be considered in a real union with the Russian Empire, with the Imperial dignity of Tataria resting within the Russian Crown. The Russian Tsar/Tsarina is to be addressed in a Tartarian context as His/Her Imperial Majesty, by the Grace of God, Tsar of Tataria.

Article Two

The Crown is to appoint a First Minister as head of government, invested with the powers delegated to him by the Crown.

Article Three

The First Minister, with the consent of the Crown, is to appoint a Governing Council to assist him in his duties and in the obligations of the state,

Article Four

The powers of defence and foreign relations are to be reserved to the Russian Imperial Government, to be exercised on Tataria's behalf.

Enacted into law in the Eighth year of His Imperial Majesty's reign;

Yevgeni Ivanovich Alekseyev OCC etc
Imperial Viceroy of Tartaria and the Far East
---

From Harbin,
Addressed respectfully to His Excellency
Vladimir Lamsdorf, Foreign Minister of the Russian Empire.

Excellency;

The statement from Japan is most concerning, if not expected, and I hope a statement from St Petersburg will be forthcoming. I assure you that I, and the Russian endeavour here in Tataria, has the complete confidence of the Tsar.

Yours,

Yevgeni Ivanovich Alekseyev OCC etc
Imperial Viceroy of Tartaria and the Far East

As the European powers have set out in a mission to civilise Africa, Russia has decided to pursue its vested interests in Tataria and the Far East by carrying the torch of civilisation to the region. It is our aim to justly rule and raise this land for the benefit of its own people, too. Whilst the Japanese communiqué is eager to point out Russian misdeeds in the region, it is conveniently silent about our deeds to reprimand those officers.

We believe that in subduing brigands and 'Boxers' in the region and taking it under our care, and our support for the Gaselee expedition, it is very hard to see where exactly Russia has betrayed its friends in Europe and America. The tone of Japanese diplomacy is one in which it aims, arrogantly so, to present its own national interests as those of the world as a whole, which in the Russian opinion is a tone that does not bode well for future diplomatic relations between our countries. Unless Japan itself aims to take hostile action against the people of Tataria, it has nothing to fear from Russian deeds in the region.

Whilst it is of course harmful to our honour as a nation of our magnitude to officially respond to such an upstart move, and it should be natural to do so, we implore the world to ignore the Japanese boy crying wolf and allow Russia to act in the best interests of Tataria's people.

-Count V.N. Lamsdorf, His Majesty's Foreign Minister.

Anglo-German Agreement on China
Condemning the actions of the Russian Empire in Manchuria and recognising the need for a stable China, the German Empire and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland conclude the following points:

I. The territorial integrity of the Chinese hinterland shall be preserved and any violations of this policy shall be strongly condemned by the United Kingdom and the German Empire.
II. The Chinese coastline shall be open to equal trade for all nations without discrimination, and attempts to gain exclusive rights and privileges shall be strongly condemned by the United Kingdom and the German Empire.
III. Preserving stability in China and the rest of Asia shall be of paramount importance to current and future treaties that deal with the region.

A conversation between Amir Abdur Rahman Khan and his son, Shahzadah Habibullah Khan

“You see, my child, it is through these ‘interventions’, such as the one we see in the Qing Empire to our east, that the Europeans have dominated and subjugated other peoples everywhere,” the Amir, standing on the veranda, surveyed the Kabul night, his intelligent black eyes aware of the darkness. He had heard of cities where the light never went out…

Soon.

“What we see in the lands to our east is just another example of the European hegemony over our world. We cannot, must not, are permitted to do anything, nothing at all, without the permission of our European overlords,” there was bitterness in the Amir’s voice, and his eldest son, Habibullah, who sat and listened could feel that there was a tirade coming on. He respected his father, he loved him too, and yes, like all Afghans, he did fear him, but he listened carefully to his words, and he learnt from this veteran. There was no doubt in Habibullah’s mind that his father was a fine leader and a good example if he wanted to hold onto the nation when his day arrived.

“The Chinese have lived for aeons, content with the religion they have, wayward as it is, and happy with their way of life and traditions, but upon attempting to display their independence and ability to live the way they choose, not the way Europe dictates, they were immediately set upon and utterly crushed – not by a superior way of life or more elevated civilisation, but by brute, savage and unrestrained force. It is not the more refined or elevated culture which achieves glory in this world, but the one which can best destroy others, for that is the only culture and civilisation left,” the Amir turned upon his son, his figure, for all its small stature, rather daunting, his eyes penetrating.

“We, who are so clearly inferior savages, beasts – no, less than beasts – must listen carefully to the words of our master, and must not ever think to disobey. We must not even comprehend that a world where we disobey can exist. Our lands, our people, all that we are, is the property of Europe, and if we ever seek to establish otherwise, we will be crushed just as surely as the Chinese have, remember that.”

The bitter old man, walked past his son and took a seat inside, a morose look in his eyes.

“But, with all due respect, it cannot be that we are so helplessly caught up in this ‘great’, ‘universal’ ‘European conspiracy’ to subjugate us that we can do absolutely nothing. There is always potential for freedom and for the human mind and our free spirit to rise up and establish ourselves in the world without being felled by forces so beyond our power. Are the nations of Europe not nations too? Are they not equally vulnerable to the weaknesses of all nations? They cannot be as mighty and infallible as to subjugate us so completely. That is something I cannot believe, for in that way of thinking is hopelessness and despair and defeat, no?”

The Amir shook his head slowly.

“You misunderstand me, of course there is potential for growth and strength, but we must always remember that should there ever come a time where those in Europe feel threatened – not even threatened, should the whim take them and should they find a good enough excuse, such as the Boxers – they will not hesitate in crushing our nations and returning them to a state of development more suitable to their whims. We are to them as the farm animal is to the farmer, should we ever believe ourselves to be more than cattle, then we will die, we will be slaughtered like cattle, so that all may know that those Europe deems as cattle are nothing more than that, and will be nothing more than that unless they deem it so.”

Habibullah looked glumly towards his father, how could he reconcile the idea that there was potential for growth and strength and freedom with being slaves to a greater, mightier European hegemony? It made no sense.

“Perhaps one day you will understand what I say, and perhaps one day you will see through to a solution. But if you doubt what I say, tell me, what are the Europeans in the Qing Empire for?” the Amir looked towards his son.

“Well, to remove the Boxer threat, of course.” the Shahzadah replied. The Amir smirked.

“Yes, that is what they say, then do tell me, boy, if they are there to remove the Boxers, then what is this new territory of Tartaria we hear about? Is that the removal of the Boxers we have all been expecting?” Habibullah responded with silence, the Amir merely smiled.

“The Europeans will never do something, as they profess, for the sake of decency and humanity and justice and whatever else they spout. In every intervention is a strategic, thought out plan, which will advance their interests and further their goals, and this intervention into the Qing Empire, is nothing more than another of their long cycle of invasions and colonisations of other, sovereign nations. Watch, child, and learn, for those are the rules of their game, and those are the rules you must master.”

Sublime State of Persia
دولت علیّه ایران
Dowlat-e Elliye ye Irān

In the name of God, the Merciful, the Forgiving

Whereas in accordance with the Imperial Farman, a command was issued for the establishment of a National Council, to promote the progress and happiness of our Kingdom and people, strengthen the foundations of our Government, and give effect to the enactments of the Sacred Law of His Holiness the Prophet,

AND WHEREAS, by virtue of the fundamental principle [therein laid down], we have conferred on each individual of the people of our realm, for the amending and superintending of the affairs of the commonwealth, according to their degrees, the right to participate in choosing and appointing the Members of this Assembly by popular election,

THEREFORE the National Consultative Assembly is now opened, in accordance with our Sacred Command; and we do define as follows the principles and articles of the Fundamental Law regulating the aforesaid National Council, which Law compromises the duties and functions of the above-mentioned Assembly, its limitations, and its relations with the various departments of the Government.

On the Constitution of the Assembly

Art. 1. The National Consultative Assembly is founded and established in conformity with the Farman, founded on justice.

Art. 2. The National Consultative Assembly represents the whole of the people of Persia, who [thus] participate in the economic and political affairs of the country.

Art. 3. The National Consultative Assembly shall consist of the Members elected in Tihran and the Provinces, shall be held in Tihran.

Art. 4. The number of elected Members has been fixed in accordance with the Electoral Law separately promulgated, at one hundred and sixty-two, but in case of necessity the number above mentioned may be increased to two hundred.

Art. 5. The Members shall be elected for two whole years. This period shall begin on the day when all the representatives from the provinces shall have arrived in Tihran. On the conclusion of this period of two years, fresh representatives shall be elected, but the people shall have the option of re-electing any of their former representatives whom they wish and with whom they are satisfied.

Art. 6. The Members elected to represent Tihran shall, so soon as they meet, have the right to constitute the Assembly, and to begin their discussions and deliberations. During the period preceding the arrival of the provincial delegates, their decisions shall depend for their validity and due execution on the majority [by which they carried].

Art. 7. On the opening of the debate, at least two thirds of the Members of the Assembly shall be present, and, when the vote is taken, at least three quarters. A majority shall be obtained only when more than half of those present in the Assembly record their votes.

Art. 8. The periods of session and recess of the National Consultative Assembly shall be determined by the Assembly itself, in accordance with such internal regulations as itself shall formulate. After the summer recess, the Assembly must continue and in session from the fourteenth day of the Balance, which corresponds with the festival of the opening of the First Assembly.

Art 9. The National Consultative Assembly can sit on occasions of extraordinary public holidays.

Art 10. On the opening of the Assembly, and Address shall be presented by it to His Imperial Majesty, and it shall afterwards have the honour of receiving an answer from that Royal and August quarter.

Art. 11. Members of the Assembly, on taking their seats, shall take and subscribe to the following form of oath:

(Form of the Oath)

"We the undersigned take God to witness, and swear on the Qur’an, that, so long as the rights of the Assembly and its Members are observed and respected, in conformity with these Regulations, we will, so far as possible, discharge, with the utmost truth, uprightness, diligence and endeavour, the duties confided to us; that we will act loyally and truthfully towards our just and honoured Sovereign, commit no treason in respect of ether the foundations of the Throne or the Rights of the People, and will consider only the advantage and well-being of Persia."

Art 12. No one, on any pretext or excuse, shall have any right, without the knowledge and approval of the National Consultative Assembly, to molest its Members. Even in case of the Members committing some crime or misdemeanour, and being arrested flagrante delicto, any punishment inflicted upon him must be with the cognizance of the Assembly.

Art 13. The deliberations of the National Consultative Assembly, in order that effect may be given to their results, must be public. According to the Internal Regulations of the Assembly, journalists and spectators have the right to be present and listen, but not to speak. Newspapers may print and publish all the debates of the Assembly, provided they do not change or pervert their meaning, so that the public may be informed of the subjects of discussion and the detail of what takes place. Everyone, subject to his paying due regard to the public good, may discuss them in the Public Press, so that no matter may be veiled or hidden from any person. Therefore all the newspapers, provided that their contents be not injurious to any one of the fundamental principles of the Government or the Nation, are authorized and allowed to print and publish all the matters advantageous to the public interest, such as the debates of the Assembly, and the opinions of the people on these debates. But if anyone, actuated by interested motives, shall print in the newspapers or in other publications anything contrary to what has been mentioned, or inspired by slander or calumny, he will render himself liable, to cross-examination, judgment and punishment, according to law.

Art. 14. The National Consultative Assembly shall organize and arrange, in accordance with separate and distinct Regulations call ‘he Internal Code of Rules,’ its own affairs, such as the election of a President, Vice-presidents, Secretaries, and other officers, the arrangements of the debates and divisions, etc.

On the Duties of the Assembly and its Limitations and Rights

Art. 15. The National Consultative Assembly has the right in all questions to propose any measure which it regards as conducive to well-being of the Government and the People, after due discussion and deliberation thereof in all sincerity and truth; and, having due regard to the majority of votes, to submit such measure, in complete confidence and security, after it has received the approval of the Senate, by means of the First Minister of the State, so that may receive the Royal Approval and be duly carried out.

Art. 16. All laws necessary to strengthen the foundations of the State and Throne and set in order the affairs of the Realm and the establishment of the Ministries, must be submitted for approval to the National Consultative Assembly.

Art. 17. The National Consultative Assembly shall, when occasion arises, bring forward such measures as shall be necessary for the creation, modification, completion or abrogation of any Law, and, subject to the approval of the Senate, shall submit it for the Royal Sanction, so that due effect may thereafter be given to it.

Art. 18. The regulation of all financial matters, the construction and regulation of the Budget, all changes in fiscal arrangements, the acceptance or rejection of all incidental and subordinate expenditure, as also the new Inspectorships [of Finance] which will be founded by the Government, shall be subject to the approval of the Assembly.

Art. 19. The Assembly has the right, after the Senate has given its approval, to demand from the Ministers of State that effect shall be given to the measures thus approved for the reform of the finances and facilitation of co-operation between the different departments of the Government by division of the departments and provinces of Persia and their governments.
Art. 20. The Budget of each Ministry shall be concluded during the latter half of each year for the following year, and shall be ready fifteen days before the Festival of Naw-ruz.

Art. 21. Should it be any time be necessary to introduce, modify or abrogate any Fundamental Law regulating the [function of the] Ministries, such change shall be made only with the approval of the Assembly, irrespective of whether the necessity for such action has been declared by the Assembly or enunciated by the responsible Ministers.

Art. 22. Any proposal to transfer or sell any portion of the [National] resources, or of the control exercised by the Government or the Throne, or to effect any change in the boundaries and frontiers of the Kingdom, shall be subject to the approval of the National Consultative Assembly.

Art. 23. Without the approval of the National Council, no concession for the formation of any public Company of any sort shall, under any plea soever, be granted by the State.

Art. 24. The conclusion of treaties and covenants, the granting of commercial, industrial, agricultural and other concessions, irrespective of whether they be to Persian or foreign subjects, shall be subject to the approval of the National Consultative Assembly, with the exception of treaties which, for reasons of State and the public advantage, must be kept secret.

Art. 25. State loans, under whatever title, whether internal or external, must be contracted only with the cognizance and approval of the National Consultative Assembly.

Art. 26. The construction of railroads or chausses, whether at the expense of the Government, or of any Company, whether Persian or foreign, depends on the approval of the National Consultative Assembly.

Art. 27. Wherever the Assembly observes any defect in the laws or any neglect in giving effect to them, it shall notify the same to the Minister responsible for that department, who shall furnish all necessary explanations.

Art. 28. Should any Minister, acting under misapprehension, issue on the Royal Authority, whether in writing or by word of mouth, orders conflicting with one of the laws which have been enacted and have received the Royal Sanction, and shall admit his negligence and lack of attention, he shall, according to the Law, be personally responsible to His Imperial and Most Sacred Majesty.

Art 29. Should a Minister fail to give satisfactory account of any affair conformably to the laws which have received the Royal Sanction, and should it appear in his case that a violation of such law has been committed, or that he has transgressed the limits imposed [on him], the Assembly shall demand his dismissal from the Royal Presence, and should his treason be clearly established in the Court of Cassation, he shall not again be employed in the service of the State.

Art. 30. The Assembly shall, at any time when it considers it necessary, have the right to make direct representations to the Royal Presence by means of a Committee consisting of the President and six of its Members chosen by the Six Classes. This committee must ask permission for, and the appointment of a time for approaching the Royal Presence through the Master of the Ceremonies (Wazir-i-Darbar).

Art. 31. Ministers have the right to be present at the Sessions of the National Consultative Assembly, to sit in the places appointed for them, and to listen to the debates of the Assembly. If they consider it necessary, they may ask the President of the Assembly for permission to speak, and may give such explanations as may be necessary for purposes of discussion and investigation.

On the representation of affairs to the National Consultative Assembly

Art. 32. Any individual may submit in writing to the Petition Department of the Archives of the Assembly a statement of his own case, or of any criticisms or complaints. If the matter concerns the Assembly itself, it will give him a satisfactory answer; but if it concerns the Assembly itself, it will give him a satisfactory answer; but if it concerns one of the Ministries, it will refer to that Ministry, which will enquire into the matter and return a sufficient answer.

Art. 33. New laws which are needed shall be drafted and revised in the Ministries which are respectively responsible, and shall then be laid before the Assembly by the responsible Ministers, or by the Prime Minister. After being approved by the Assembly, and ratified by the Royal Signature; they shall be duly put into force.

Art 34. The President of the Assembly can, in case of necessity, either personally, or on the demand of ten Members of the Assembly, hold a private conference, comprised of a selected number of Members of the Assembly, with any Minister, from which private meeting newspaper correspondents and spectators shall be excluded, and at which other Members of the Assembly shall not have the right to be present. The result of the deliberations of such secret conference shall, however, only be confirmed when it has been deliberated in the said conference in presence of three quarters of those selected [to serve on it], and carried by a majority of votes. Should the proposition [in question] not be accepted in the private conference, it shall not be brought forward in the Assembly, but shall be passed over in silence.

Art. 35. If such private conference shall have been held at the demand of the President of the Assembly, he has the right to inform the public of so much of the deliberations as he shall deem expedient; but if the private conference has been held at the demand of a Minister, the disclosure of the deliberations depends on the permission of that Minister.

Art. 36. Any Minister can withdraw any matter which he has proposed to the Assembly at any point in the discussion, unless his statement he has been made at the instance of the Assembly, in which case the withdrawal of the matter depends on the consent of the Assembly.

Art. 37. If a measure introduced by any Minister is not accepted by the Assembly, it shall be returned supplemented by the observations of the Assembly; and the responsible Minister, after rejecting or accepting the criticism of the Assembly, can proposed the aforesaid measure a second time to the Assembly.

Art. 38. The Members of the National Consultative Assembly must clearly and plainly signify their rejection or acceptance of measures, and no one has the right to persuade or threaten them in recording their votes. The signification by the Members of the Assembly of such rejection or acceptance must be effected in such manner that newspaper correspondents and spectators also may perceive it, that is to say their intention must be signified by some outward sign, such as [the employment of] blue and white voting-papers, or the like.

The proposal of measures on the part of the Assembly

Art. 39. Whenever any measure is proposed on the part of one of the Members of the Assembly, it can only be discussed when at least fifteen Members of the Assembly shall approve the discussion of that measure. In such case the proposal in question shall be forwarded in writing to the President of the Assembly, who has the right to arrange that it shall be subjected to a preliminary investigation in a Committee of Enquiry.

Art. 40. On the occasion of the discussion and investigation of the measure mentioned in Art. 39, whether in the Assembly or in the Committee of Enquiry, notice shall be given by the Assembly to the responsible Minister, if any, concerned in the measure, that if possible he himself, or, if not, his Assistant Minister, shall e present in the Assembly, so that the debate may take place in the presence of one or other of them.

The draft of the [proposed] measure, with its additions, must be sent from ten days to a month before the time (with the exception of matters added at the last moment) to the responsible Minister; and so likewise the day of its discussion must be determined beforehand. After the measure has been discussed in the presence of the responsible Minister, and in case it should, by a majority of votes, receive the approval of the Assembly, it shall be officially transmitted in writing to the responsible Minister, so that he may take the necessary steps [to put it in force].

Art. 41. If the responsible Minister cannot, for any reason, agree with the Assembly without a measure proposed by it, he must offer his excuses to it and give it satisfaction.

Art.42. Should the National Consultative Assembly demand explanations on any matter from the responsible Minister, the Minister in question must give an answer, which answer must not be postponed unnecessarily or without plausible reason, save in the case of secret measures, the secrecy of which for some definite period is to the advantage of the State and the People. In such cases, on the lapse of the definite period the responsible Minister is bound to disclose this measure in the Assembly.
On the Conditions regulating the formation of the Senate

Art. 43. There shall be constituted another Assembly, entitled the Senate, consisting of sixty Members, the sessions of which, after its constitution, shall be complementary to the sessions of the National Consultative Assembly.

Art. 44. The Regulations of the Senate must be approved by the National Consultative Assembly.

Art. 45. The Members of this Assembly shall be chosen from amongst the well-informed, discerning, pious and respected persons of the Realm. Thirty of them shall be nominated on the part of His Imperial Majesty (fifteen of the people of Tihran, and fifteen of the people of the Provinces), and thirty by the Nation (fifteen elected by the people of Tihran, and fifteen by the people of Provinces).

Art. 46. After the constitution of the Senate, all proposals must be approved by both Assemblies. If those proposals shall have been originated in the Senate, or by the Cabinet of Ministers, they must first be amended and corrected in the Senate and accepted by a majority of votes, and must then be approved by the National Consultative Assembly. But proposals brought forward by the National Consultative Assembly must, on the contrary, go from this Assembly to the Senate, except in the case of financial matters, which the Senate, except in the case of financial matters, which belong exclusively to the National Consultative Assembly. The decision of the Assembly, in respect to the above-mentioned proposals, shall be made known to the Senate, so that it in turn may communicate its observations to the National Assembly, but the latter, after discussion, is free to accept or reject these observations of the Senate.

Art. 47. So long as the Senate has not been convoked, proposals shall, after being approved by the National Consultative Assembly, receive the Royal assent, and shall then have the force of law.

Art. 48. If any proposal, after undergoing criticism and revision in the Senate, be referred by a Minister to the National Consultative Assembly, and be not accepted, such disputed proposal shall, in case of its being of importance, be reconsidered by a third Assembly composed of Members of Senate and Members of the National Consultative Assembly elected in equal moieties by Members of the two Assemblies. The decision of this [third] Assembly shall be read out in the National Council. If it be then accepted, well and good. If not, a full account of the matter shall be submitted to the Royal Presence, and should the Royal judgment support the view of the National Consultative Assembly, it shall become effective; but if not, orders will be issued for a fresh discussion and investigation. If again no agreement of opinion results, and the Senate, by a majority of two thirds, approves the dissolution of the National Consultative Assembly, this approval being separately affirmed by the Cabinet of Ministers, then the Imperial Command will be issued for the dissolution of the National Consultative Assembly, and at the same time orders shall be given for the holding of fresh elections, the people, however, having the right to reelect their former representatives.

Art. 49. The new representatives of Tihran must present themselves within the space of one month, and the representatives of the provinces within the space of three months. When the representatives of the Capital are present, the Assembly shall be opened, and shall begin its labours, but they shall not discuss disputed proposals until the provincial representatives shall arrive. If, after the arrival of all its Members, the new Assembly shall by a clear majority confirm the first decision, His Most Sacred and Imperial Majesty shall approve that decision of the national Consultative Assembly, and shall order it be carried into effect.

Art. 50. In each electoral period, which consists of two years, orders for the renewal of representatives shall not be given more than once.

Art. 51. It is agreed that the kings of our successors and posterity shall regard as a duty of their sovereign state and an obligation incumbent upon them the maintenance of these laws and principles, which we have established and put into force for the strengthening of the edifice of the State, the consolidation of the foundations of the Throne, the superintendence of the machinery of Justice, and the tranquility of the Nation.

End of an Epoch


Amir Abdur Rahman Khan, the ‘Iron Amir’ of Afghanistan

The Iron Amir was dead. He died, unlike many Afghan monarchs, in his bed. A man who had single-handedly forged the modern Afghan state, he had created many enemies through his repressive and high-handed measures. But they were measures which had tamed the wild Afghan horse, the horse which the Iron Amir, alone, had been able to ride.

News of Amir Abdur Rahman’s death spread like wildfire across the nation, and his enemies travelled from far and wide to give him a final send-off: they would rip him limb from limb, extracting on his dead body the revenge they could not while he still lived. Given the Islamic tradition that a body must be buried before sun-down on the day of the death, it was surprising just how many people managed to get to Kabul. Shaggy-haired men, wielding axes and swords and other forms of weapons descended from the mountains, their eyes those of predators, looking for the one who had wielded so much power over them for so long.

As the officials watched the streets fill with the vengeful few who had continued to live on the edge of society, it was clear to them that parading the Amir’s body across Kabul and to the great tomb prepared for him was not going to be an option. It was agreed that he would be buried in the palace as quickly as possible. That is until they glanced out of the window one last time.

Outside, armed men in uniform lined the streets, keeping the rabble back and dealing with those who refused to give up their weapons. The Afghan National Police, which had been reformed by the Iron Amir in his final year was doing its duty. Even in death, the iron fist of the Iron Amir did not wane, and as his body was marched to be buried in the tomb prepared outside Kabul, the hateful glances from those who thought that the day of vengeance had come would probably have humoured the Amir.


The Afghan National Police

Habibullah, who marched with his father’s body, looked into those eyes. He was a young man, full of hope and aspirations for his nation, but as he looked he understood why his father had to become a man of iron. To rule these people, one had only a single weapon, and it was fear. The Afghan horse would only accept one rider, and that was the one who put the fear of God into it. If Abdur Rahman Khan had been an Iron Amir, then, Habibullah pledged, he would be a man of steel.


The Young Amir Habibullah Khan

Despite the expectations all over the nation of a descent into war and chaos, what Abdur Rahman Khan built in his 20 year reign did not simply fall apart. He had built a nation, with a bureaucracy and an eroding tribal system, and the transfer of power from Abdur Rahman Khan to Habibullah Khan was a very peaceful one. By the time Abdur Rahman Khan was buried, the streets of Kabul were once more empty of the mountain-dwelling bandits and petty chieftains who had suffered as a result of the creation of the Afghan state.

Habibullah Khan was now Amir. The only question was, would he tame and ride the Afghan horse as his father had before him?

Austria-Hungary

In the interest of settling the status of Manchuria and ensuring the long-term stability of the region, the Austro-Hungarian Empire extends an invitation to all members of the Six-Nation Alliance, as well all parties whose interests are threatened by the destabilization of the Chinese mainland and the surrounding territories, to convene in the city of Vienna in order to reach a diplomatic solution.
- - -

Firstly, Austria-Hungary congratulates the members of the Six-Nation Alliance for their essential role in crushing the Boxer uprising which threatened to destabilize the entirety of Asia. Let this great deed shine beneath the fires of hope rekindled throughout the Chinese mainland by the brave men who risked their lives to bring about order and justice to a land ravaged by internal conflict.

On behalf of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, I would like to extend a formal invitation to the members of the Six-Nation Alliance to convene on neutral grounds in the city of Vienna with the purpose of settling the status of Manchuria and the Chinese mainland as a whole.

The issue of Russian occupation in Manchuria is of concern to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, in that it brings into question the true motive behind Russian involvement with the Six-Nation Alliance and the effects its military occupation of Manchuria may have on the stability of China and the safety and well-being of its people -- questions I hope can be answered and settled peacefully.

It was the Six-Nation Alliance's expressed purpose - and that of Russia - to bring about order to the Chinese state. It is therefore inconsistent with the expressed purpose, to take advantage of the destabilized Chinese state in order to seize the territory of Manchuria in a sweeping military offense which reportedly brutalized the local population.

In the interest of a stable and safe China, we believe it is of utmost importance that this matter be handled with haste and through peaceful means. Accusations and name-calling on part of both the Empire of Japan and the Russian Empire will only serve to exasperate an already heated dispute, and risk greater destabilization of China and Asia as a whole. It would be shameful to see those who worked so hard to bring peace to the Chinese people be the ones who plunge the country into chaos once more by carelessly sparking hostilities during a sensitive period for the nation of China. Let us ensure that the lives lost to bring order and safety to the Chinese people were not in vain.

Please consider our invitation to settle the dispute peacefully. All sides will be welcomed equally and encouraged to voice their stance on the matter, so that all parties involved may reach a better understanding of the situation and come to a solution that is satisfactory to all.

- - Count Agenor Maria Adam Gołuchowski, Foreign Minister of Austria-Hungary

The Mexican Government proudly announces the National Mexican School System. The NMSS for short is a planned project on improving the education of the people throughout the country. With the help of the Catholic Church a series of schools will be setup across the nation. The Catholic Church will teach a curriculum jointly agreed to by the Acidosis of Mexico. To help the church in the teaching of our nation’s children a sum on money is to be awarded to members of the church that agree to follow the National curriculum. It is hoped that this will increase the learning standard across the nation.

“We cannot allow ourselves to fall behind after we have already come so far. Our children are the future of our nation. We must fight ignorance like a poison. I encourage all of you to send your children to these schools. There they will learn to read and write, they will advance their position and they will be able to advance their family. Then the nation. The funds will be achieved through a cut in military expenditure. This is a time for peace and learning, but I am not crippling our army. The Army will become smaller, but better trained and better equipped, alas that is all I have time for.”
- A statement by President Diaz.

The Boxer Protocol and Vienna Conference of 1901

The German Empire, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the Russian Empire, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Empire of Japan and the United States of America, henceforth known as the "Great Powers", and the Chinese Empire hereby conclude the following protocol:

I. The Great Powers and the Chinese Empire shall end their mutual hostilities.

II. The Russian Empire shall withdraw their troops from Chinese Manchuria and return to the territorial status quo ante bellum with the Chinese Empire.

III. The Chinese Empire shall recognise the Russian Empire as the sole owner of the Chinese Eastern Railway, protect it from vandalism and sabotage and allow continued Russian construction on the railway.

IV. The Chinese Empire shall pay 450 million taels of fine silver over the next 39 years with 4% interest as indemnities for the damages suffered by the Great Powers and Other Nations in China.

IVa. The indemnities shall be divided in the following way:
Russia: 31%
Germany 22%
United Kingdom: 13%
United States: 10%
Japan: 13%
Austria-Hungary: 6%
Italy: 2%
France: 2%
Others (Spain, Belgium, Netherlands): 1%

V. The City of Canton shall be leased to the Austro-Hungarian Empire for 99 years.

VI. The City of Shenzhen shall be leased to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland for 99 years.

VII. The City of Hong Kong shall be permanently annexed by the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.

VIII. The Chinese Empire shall cede concession zones to the Kingdom of Belgium, Russian Empire and the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the City of Tianjin.

IX. The importation of arms and ammunition, as well as materials necessary for arms and ammunition, shall be prohibited for a duration of 2 years. This duration can be extended for another 2 years if necessary.

X. The Taku Forts shall be demolished and the area shall remain without fortifications.

XI. The Legation Quarters pf the Great Powers shall be considered a special area under the exclusive control of the Great Powers, in which Chinese shall not have the right to reside. These special areas may be defensible and the Great Powers may maintain a permanent guard in their respective quarters.

XII. Those Boxer and Government officials responsible for the illegal crimes during the Boxer Conflict shall be punished harshly.

XIII. The Zongli Yamen (Office in Charge of Affairs of All Nations) shall be replaced with a Foreign Office, which shall rank above the other six boards in the government, to ease the improvement of mutual relations.

XIV. The Chinese Empire shall prohibit forever, under the pain of death, membership in any anti-foreign society.

XV. Civil service examinations shall be suspended for 5 years in all areas where foreigners were massacred or subjected to cruel treatment. Provincial and local officials shall be personally held responsible for any new anti-foreign incidents.

XVI. The Chinese Emperor shall convey his regrets to the German Emperor for the assassination of Baron von Ketteler.

XVII. The Chinese Emperor shall convey his regrets to the Emperor of Japan for the assassination of Mr. Sugiyama Akira.

XVIII. The Chinese Government shall erect a commemorative arch inscribed in Latin, German and Chinese on the spot of the assassination of Baron von Ketteler.

Main signatories
[X] For the German Empire, Ambassador Alfons Mumm von Schwarzenstein.
[] United Kingdom
[] Russian Empire
[] Austro-Hungarian Empire
[] United States of America
[] Empire of Japan
[] Chinese Empire

Other signatures:
[] Kingdom(s) of Sweden-Norway
[] Kingdom of Italy
[] French Republic
[] Kingdom of Spain
[] Kingdom of Belgium
[] Kingdom of the Netherlands

Kingdom of the Netherlands
The Boxer Protocol and Vienna Conference of 1901
[X]Kingdom of the Netherlands

Austria-Hungary
The Boxer Protocol and Vienna Conference of 1901

[X] Austria-Hungary agrees to the terms of the treaty.

Kingdom of Italy
The Boxer Protocol and Vienna Conference of 1901

[X]The Kingdom of Italy, agrees to the terms of the treaty.