Dinh AaronMk

Precipice Of War: The Reboot of a Reboot

<Snipped quote by Dinh AaronMk>

Nah they can have France, I'll switch to a smaller nation since I have less time than I expected now

@Mendicant Bias

Precipice Of War: The Reboot of a Reboot

The roar of the trains in the station brought a rush of warm wind, dust and papers rose into the air. Though there was much more than the rush of the incoming and outgoing trains to stir the air in the industrial metro. Though it would be a hazard to say it was only the trains that brought this gust. The passing of life and business on the platform rose it higher on their breaths. The watchful gaze and chirping shrills of the whistles of the station men rose it with magic. The alarms and shouted announcements of the conductors to the departure of trains cheering it to greater heights. Children ran between the legs of tall strangers. Somewhere a busker played a song on a Erhu adding to the ritual that brought the particulate to life. Even the station itself seemed to breath its own life. Its construction pulling in air to push it out again. Though the station was only a few years old, the smoke of trains and of people covered the great throat with a patina as a smoker. The concrete floor was scuffed and rubbed smooth by the leather and rattan soles of a millions shoes. All was full of a tense life. And in the green glow of a light shining over a map of China a young man with a fistful of yuan looked up at the routes of the trains.

Shin Yu had for his eighteenth birthday been given a package of bills he had saved away and given the orders to, “go out, see the country I fought for” by his proud father. His gift had lifted the otherwise sallow and distant gaze of his already eighty-year old pa, who was really well into his forties. Some venom in the past had sapped away his life faster than he had to live it. So, he was often tired. It was only the moment the young Yu became an adult that his father found the life remaining in his heart, where it flicker secretly like a hidden jewel.

Shin Yu had prior to any grand plans expressed a desire to join the army. This, several years, perhaps really a year and a half before his eighteenth had at the time made his old father distraught and depressed and he disappeared for a time within himself. But somewhere in the old man he came around or thought of some strange, alien plan to distract him. Whatever it was, he had conjured the money and foisted it on his son and told him to, “go out, see the country I fought for”. And what was a young man to do with such money? He obliged.

Packing out from his provincial village in southern Hunan he meandered the countryside to Hengyang. He went by foot, by ox cart, and even stumbled into a man with a car who brought him to a small town. There, at a train station that he bought a twenty yuan ticket to board and complete the rest of his journey to Hengyang in only an hour. The youth was struck by the city emerging from behind the hills with its great expanse of human life, thriving traffic, and activity. He stepped off the train aroused by it. From the factory smoke to the bustling of the streets, the trams and trolleys, and all the small stores and hidden homes in the old streets. To him it all seemed amazing. He spent a day in the city, living out of his packs and sleeping outside in the parks. He had conspired to see as much of the sights in the city as possible, to be entirely romanced. But he soon found himself disoriented at the city. He became lost. He paid another fare for a street car and arrived back at the train station and looking up at the map.

A handsome youth, he was kissed by the provincial countryside. Dark sunny complexion, bright brown eyes, and his black hair was largely untamed. He had a carved figure about him, and thin stubble of beard grew in the round valleys, the round hills of his youthful cheeks and jaw. Despite the weight he carried on his shoulder, he walked light and bouncy. He could walk as far as any good bull. Though his clothes were old and dirty, it was only by time; care had been made to keep them right and well patched.

If there was anything someone might say was lacking, it was confidence. At least in this moment. He stood at the map of the country following with deep concentration the network of railroads drawn in red. He thought he would go to Nanjing and see the capital, and from there wherever the winds take him. Maybe turn around and go back home if he realized he didn't have the money anymore. But as he stood looking up at the map he found that translating it wasn't as direct as he would think. He fuddled with it, thinking of the rough maps he would draw in the dirt or on a piece of wood to help a friend find something or to be shown by his family what field was to be worked that day. These were all fairly routine: go to the old tree split in the middle like a fish's tail, and head east until you come to the ancient tea shop, follow the road north from the old abandoned store and it will be on the right. This was all known. He could handle the abstraction. It was always handled in words. It all involved land he was familiar in. He could walk it asleep. He knew the way the road was that a brisk walk would get him to the field in twenty minutes with energy to spare. He also knew the relation between the old tea shop and his family's hut, and that if it was rainy to not go to the fish-tailed tree and he could take a higher route that while more circuitous would bypass both it and the tea shop, and he would arrive at the field straight on because all four things were known like the sun and the moon and the stars. But this was new, and its newness confounded him. Because in what direction was anything?

He knew nothing on the map, though he could read the names just fine. But he could not see any of these routes. It bothered him. He became frustrated and turned from the map. Perhaps it would not bother him. Perhaps he could ask. He took his money and went to the window.

If there was one thing that he held in unyielding aw in the station, even as everything else lost the fantasy: it was the railmen. It was not that they were particularly magnificent, they did not wear any grand uniforms like the generals and the soldiers in the pictures books that he had read. It is just that they held a pride that radiated beyond the simple nature of their uniforms. They made up for that in a pride of purpose and of strength that glowed in the way they held themselves. The emblem, small and humble that was its symbol was worn quaintly on their collars. These men were communists. There was not a worker who did not have pinned on them the insignia of the Communist Party. They wore it with an air of coy manner of the mahjong player. “Oh, I do not have the pieces to finish my hand, what do you mean? Don't you want to lay out yours?”

He had known communists, several years ago a group of them passed into his village. They barely announced it, but everyone knew they were communists. Their small group had moved simply to a table at the local tea shop, and ordering dimsum began to speak with the locals, or whoever would come by. At the time Shin Yu was fourteen. He had heard of the communists during the war from his mother, who worked for a time following the army. Back then they were loud and always shouting. Their officers challenging others to an argument over some issue or another before being shouted down by a more superior officer. She talked about how they would often sneak captured Japanese rifles to the camp followers and teach them to shoot, or to sneak the rifles to the villages they passed and how the military police would find several when an old man would surrender a half dozen to the army. She thought back then they were fools and radical. His father was a republican, Kuomintang and never did such things. But when the communists visited the village, they were not loud and even his parents abided them in silent mutual respect, though they never visited them. He had meant to visit them then, but by the time he worked up his courage they had moved on. Shin Yu wondered at these communists though, they were not particularly meek and humble as the ones he knew before, they were far too proud for that. But they were not loud and preachy as his mother had described them. He considered them, not making up his mind.

There was a line at the ticket windows. He stepped in and waited, gazing around. The variety of people were amazing. He was struck always by the sorts he saw in the city. There were Daoist priests, elderly men in the old dress. Younger men in the sleeker western suits. Rugged individuals and a few soldiers. Women in qipao and mothers with children. Others dressed like ladies from abroad. A small huddled group of Buddhist monks stood nearby, gazing out at the station silently and brushing their bald heads with their hands.

“Hello.” said the woman at the counter as Shin Yu stepped up, “Where are we headed today?” she spoke flatly, without intonation.

“I was thinking a ticket to, uh- Ji'an?” he started, he felt himself clam up and his fingers began tapping the wooden counter of the ticket booth, “Though, I'm really trying to get to Nanjing.” he added out of reflex.

“Nanjing then? We can get you a ticket to the capital. You'll need to transfer still.”

“I can? Well, that's good.” a relieved Shin Yu said, feeling an invisible weight lift off of him. “How long will that be?”

“Do you have an appointment there?” the lady said, pulling aside a sheet of paper and starting to fill it in.

“No, I am just out to see the country. I just thought I would go to Nanjing.”

“Well lucky you.” she said with a polite smile, but Shin Yu picked up it was rather wooden.

“You don't look like you're having much fun.” he said as he was handed a ticket. The lady at the booth rolled her eyes and shook her head.

“Eighty yuan, please.” she said.

“Oh, I'm sorry. And: here.” he handed her the bank notes and bowed nervously as he stepped away. He looked down at the ticket. It took him a moment of concentration to read it. But he would be departing from platform four at fourteen hundred. He looked up at the station clock that hung large and looming like an ashen moon over the gate where the trains came from. Barely thirteen hundred. He mumbled to himself, and walked to the platform and found a bench.

He would need to wait some time. But he had waited many time before, so unslinging the weight from his shoulders he sat his rump down on the cold metal bench and began his wait, watching the station life move on around him and the song of the train whistles and the engine noise and the talking and shouting, with the Erhu playing in the background and the calls and shouts of the station and locomotive staff. It fell and slipped into a casual dissonance and he leaned back into the bench.

For much of his life he had known only the relative calm of the countryside. In the mountains and hills where he grew the most that would dissolve the peace were the festivals or the rolling in of a spring and late summer storm. Even the cry of the cocks in the morning was peaceful and in as much harmony as the leaves rustling in the wind or the soft low hum of cicadas. But the bustle of the city and of the urban rail station was new to him.

He laid his head back and breathed a long sigh and waited.

Precipice Of War: The Reboot of a Reboot

I see your app, @Dusty. But I've also been waiting on one @Mendicant Bias. Although they don't seem to have done anything yet so you may get to take their place. I'm just going to give them a day or something since they were first call, although they haven't been around in a week according to posting history.

Precipice Of War: The Reboot of a Reboot

Federal Republic of China

Map:

(blue)

History

The 1911 Xinhai Revolution would prove a momentous occasion in Chinese history as thousands of years of imperial history came to an end and the transition began into a modern Republic. In just over four months the once great Qing dynasty was toppled with the abdication of the Emperor Puyi. The fall of such an Empire marking not just a transition of China into a brand new era but the beginning of new troubles and the disintegration of China as its fringe territories such as Mongolia split free from the fractious and sudden bursting forth the blossom of a new historical chapter. As the sun set over the Qing, the rising star of the Chinese Republic took to the sky. But all was not clear, as clouds enveloped the nation.

The defeat of the Qing Empire left a nation to be reorganized by the fledgling Republic. For his services in negotiating the abdication of the child emperor Puyi, Yuan Shikai, the commander of the northern Beiyang Army was named the Provisional President of the Republic by the southern government, lead by Sun Yat-Sen. Though, while declared president as reward for his endeavors, the paranoid and militaristic Yuan Shikai was stubborn in leaving Beijing, the center of his Beiyang enforced power. Frustrated by the refusal, the southern government attempted to negotiate with Yuan Shikai to no avail. Rumors and stories of conspiracy to commit a coup only widened the gap. Yuan's response to the coup also weakened Sun Yet-Sen's and the southern government's bridge as Yuan purged his own officer corp in response and dug in his feet.

Moving quickly to assert his legitimacy as a governor, Yuan Shikai in early February 1912 hastily assembled a Republican government in defiance of the waiting Nanjing-based government. With his Beiyang Army led National Assembly he was named president with Cao Kun as his premier. Together the two sought to organize against the befuddled southern revolutionaries as well as to cement their own power. For their part, the Nanjing Tongmenghui government of the south sought to consolidate their position against theirs, Sun Yet-Sen and his vice president Huang Xing flitting between Shanghai, Japan, and Nanjing to organize their resources and their support. The young Tongmenghui government felt their grip weaken despite their efforts, as it was believed that many of the governors of the southern provinces supported Yuan Shikai and the Beiyang Republic. International support was tepid as well, with the nations of the world hesitant on supporting one government or the other as the legitimate representative of the Chinese state.

The difficult political climate made it so that Sun Yet-Sen had to act on and make concessions to the earlier positions of federalism proposed early in his revolutionary career. Subordinates like Chiang Kai-Shek were furious at the proposal, pointing to the dire situation that the movement now faced marching towards conflict between its two divided halves. Still, political forces moved on and Sun Yet-Sen made conditional arrangements for a federal republic in China pending the ending of current hostilities. At the time, November 1913 Chiang found himself humiliated and imprisoned in Shanghai when the British administration of the Shanghai International Settlement put charges against him for his associations with the settlement's Green Gang, sparking another crisis within the Republic.

The present discontent and mounting hostilities between the two republics also called for a change in the government. As the goal of overthrowing the Qing dynasty had been passed, satisfying more-or-less the conditions of the former then provisional government, the Nanjing government moved to reconstitute itself on a more permanent basis as the crisis between them and the Beiyang government continued, as the implications were becoming clear that legally they were subjects to the northern military republic. As China tensed, a movement within the government lead by Sun, Huang Xing, and Song Jiaoren saw to the beginning of the transformation of the southern Nanjing republic and of Sun's party itself.

Meanwhile, the international embarrassment of the arrest of Chiang threatened the quest for legitimacy Sun Yet-Sen was on as tensions mounted in the hazy and blurry frontiers between the Kuomintang and the Beiyang governments. But during negotiations with the British for Chiang's release fortune played a glowing hand as Yuan Shikai and his government moved to name him a new emperor for all China on August 15, 1915. In a swift and daring move, Yuan Shikai was named the Hongxian Emperor, and the Republic under him was abolished. However the move was ill-calculated and the business and political contracts with foreign powers he had cultivated melted away. Yuan's power had long been in decline since kowtowing to the Japanese and meeting their full demands for the extension of the privileges in northern China. These two punches dealt the deceleration did not comes with the support he had imagined. Much of China wavered and turned to reject him. The city of Beijing itself began to talk of the possibility of simply restoring the boy emperor Pu Yi and bring the Qing back to the light. The poorly calculated move was the push the south needed to grasp legitimacy tight in its hands.

As support moved south Yuan Shikai was forced into retreat as his legacy crumbled in front of him. He could not live long enough to salvage what he had built, and he died a hundred thirty four days after his announcement as emperor from uremia. The Beiyang government soon collapsed into a shadow of itself. Northern Republican reconvened the government in Beijing, but the tidal waves set in motion by Yuan's move towards power and his death were already washing across his northern military command and there was little they could do.

These waves though came onto the southern Republic like a refreshing rain and breathed back life into the movement. With Shikai's coronation and then death, Sun Yet-Sen and his allies could operate as a legitimate government themselves and quickly reconstituted their power before crisis struck. The Tongmenhui emerged not as itself anymore, but as the Nationalist-Kuomintang party, and the provisional government of the south as the Provisional Government of Southern China with the stated intent of bring back into the fold northern China and reforging the nation whole again. The second provisional government was declared and organized on September 25th, 1915 with Sun Yet-Sen re-elected as president. Song Jiaoren was elected premier. They immediately turned their attention to the Beiyang assembly.

In the northern assembly, politics were quickly taken back by supporters of Sun Yet-Sen and the southern Republican movement who acquired a majority of seats. At the same time, the British finally released Chiang Kai-Shek on the conditions he never enter Shanghai again, he retreated to Guangdong. Between the two Republics stood the massive crises of unification of the nation, and Europe's ongoing Great War and its repercussions in China.

The restoration of the Beiyang government and the ascendancy of his Kuomintang party within it meant that in a nominal sense Beijing was under the control of the new provisional government. Though the KMT Beiyang government had elected its own independent president, and the physical distance between them and Nanjing was made all the wider by Yuan's former officers forming warlord governments between them. None the less the two worked together as close as they could over the matter of the Great War. There was a movement among the Republic to cut their ties with the German Empire, though Sun Yet-Sen opposed this. All the same however millions of Chinese were leaving for Europe to serve as laborers in the European war and so there was a large expat interest in it. For assistance on the matter, and to help handle domestic issues Sun Yet-Sen tipped to the left in Kuomintang politics and favored the socialist contingent of the party when he sent a dispatch to the Second International in Paris for organizational assistance in early 1917. The later arrival of European socialist and communist organizers as well as political refugees from the failed revolution in Russia sparked a jump in southern political leanings as the integration of both contingents into the political cliques of China saw a left-ward shift in its operations.

Resolving the Republic's issue on the war, Sun Yet-Sen declared the official neutrality of China in December of 1916, though with predilections to the support of the central powers unofficially. The Northern Government however threw its full meager weight behind the allies to the annoyance of Sun. They committed even more Chinese to the allied lines in their organized labor battalions. The lukewarm position however of the southern Chinese Republic however saw to it that they were conditionally positioned to accept the task of taking on Europe's war production. As allied and central powers both demanded and sought out commercial allies to build and supply the war the Kuomintang government accepted the opportunity to receive what foreign development it could, even if temporary and for the next several years would build its industrial base to outfit the competing demands of either side, even as espionage and international violence broiled between the factories as international commissioners sought to shut down the other by rallying their work-forces against the other as traitors.

The arrival of Communists and socialists into the government gave Sun the operational opportunity to organize his social policy, and they their own in China. The KMT-left was able to institute Sun Yet-Sen's welfare programs and to rebuild the faltering tax base of southern China. As well, organizers who were several years prior organizing workers and peasants in Russia were again organizing workers in China. Especially as labor tensions mounted between workers of different firms as an effect of the war, new national labor unions were deemed appropriate to unify and consolidate China's workforce and to quell opportunistic violence between them and the firms they represent. Though Sun Yet-Sen asked they be state controlled unions, he was rebuked by the left and the invited organizers who worked to build independent unions.

Chiang Kai-Shek however, who had been rebuilding his political organization in Guangdong distrusted the growing unions however, and had been seeking out using the unrest caused by the foreign manufacturers to rise his political star over the rest of the Republic. But exiled from Shanghai and from his allies in the Green Gang there, and everything else eroded from his brief imprisonment he had only one thing: to bide his time. Using what little influence he had left however he did set to work. Founding the Whompoa Military Academy in 1920 he went about rebuilding his position with the military by attracting foreign military advisers to teach and organize a new officer corp for the Republic. He had dreams to and was promised the opportunity to retake the north who at this point were descending into continuously fractious warlord-ism as the Beiyang government itself weakened.

Attracting career officers and adventurers from Japan, America and the exiled Russian officers he organized his first generation of instructors at his academy. As he attracted students, he would often loan out his classes to the city of Guangdong in anti-riot operations when feuds between Allied and Central Power manufacturers broke out. These adventures helped to build his brand and bring him back into the Kuomintang on the right. However, his position even within his own academy was weak as the ex-communist officers managed to undercut his authority. A disparaging display of such to Chiang was when they petitioned to open classes on political agitation, or they would walk out. He was forced to bow to them, feeling bruised. His sense of being wronged only mounted and would inform his career to come.

In 1921 Sun Yet-Sen gave the order to Chiang Kai-Shek to pursue the campaign on the north and he set out from Guangdong with his army. He crossed several miles from Shanghai, which has marked the point at which the failed Beiyang state and the Kuomintang met. However: he did not enter it. Tensions within the Republic itself prevented himself from doing so, and organizers within the city had cleared it of Warlord influence anyhow. It is to this day a widely believed story that the people of the city were clued into some intention of Chiang Kai-Shek to flaunt his exile and enter into Shaghai and he would issue out some reprisal there against the British assembly. But for one reason or another, he showed restraint and kept moving, entering into warlord territory.

The fractious and broken political landscape meant that Chiang had little resistance in the north and he reached Beijing on July 18th, 1924. Incidentally, the following month Germany announced its cessation of its Pacific Island territories to China to flaunt the Japanese. The Japanese however did not seem to care, and claiming to have not been let known of the change occupied the islands and did not leave, sparking tension among the allied forces.

In January 1925 the other warlords were soundly defeated, however troubles loomed when the National Revolutionary Army arrived to Manchuria, to their surprise they found the Russians had seized and occupied much of the territories and refused to to surrender them to China. As well, their presence was threatening the Japanese lease territories and the Japanese made a new point of tension for the Allied coalition as they threatened war against Russia. For a brief period Sun Yet-Sen attempted to feverishly negotiate with the Czarist authorities in Manchuria to no effect. Worse yet: they considered any act of resistance by the native population as an act of aggression by China or Japan against them and tensions on the border worsened. An attack by the Russians against Chiang nearly drove his surprised army back to Beijing and Chiang declared it a war, Sun Yet-Sen however was far less insistent, but by this time he was succumbing to an un-named illness and was taking more and more time off from governance to rest. Chiang all the same pushed the Russian army back to where they had started and established a strict zone of military control to resist them.

By this time, the war in Europe had wound down into its unsettling peace and a long process of diplomatic negotiations were underway. On February 14th, 1925, Sun Yet-Sen made a voyage to Beijing to announce the unification of China, at least symbolically and to initiate the proceedings to move the government to the ancient capital. However he was too unwell to do anything besides issue a speech on his arrival. As soon as he left the microphone he was shuttled off to the hospital where an American surgeon diagnosed him with liver cancer at the age of fifty-eight. He was given ten days to live and he was treated with western medicine. Protests by the Republican government in the south were made to have him returned to Nanjing for traditional Chinese medicine but the hospital refused. Calls were made to Chiang to intervene and to bring Sun home, but he was occupied elsewhere on the line with the Russians and the message was lost. Sun Yet-Set lived for twenty-five days, well beyond the time he was given but incapable of doing much of anything and he passed away, leaving behind a will to the Republic. The Kuomintang went into a period of mourning for him and he was returned to Nanjing for his funeral. Already plans were underway to build him a tomb in the capital, but for everything real there were more pressing concerns for the government to worry about on the horizons.

To replace Sun Yet-Sen, his latest premier Zhang Renjie was named president of the Republic to fill out Sun's last two years in his second six-year term as president of their second Provisional Republic. The wealthy French-connected financier, and philosophical Anarchist had his work cut out for him. While a leftist, he was an avowed anti-Communist and quickly alienated the new Chinese Communist Party, which had spun off from the Kuomintang as political disagreements mounted between it and the less radical members of the nationalist party's center-left. But Renjie also alienated the right, having under Sun Yet-Sen been a source of consternation and vilification by China's landlord class for the building projects Sun allowed him to manage on behalf of the state. And while he worked closely with Chiang and the army many observed that it was perhaps a strained relationship. Renjie's domestic issues he adopted from Sun were also not helpful. With the winding down of the war in Europe war-time production off shored to China also waned and so were the irregular imports of silver and gold to pay for it. While European powers still owed substantial capital to China, the effect of the late war decline of production was felt in China in the form of steadily falling unemployment.

To help mitigate the looming disaster this turn would inevitably pose, Renjie worked with his fellow major Chinese financier T.V Soong.

Soong, a Chinese Christian and wealthy financier had managed to place himself as both the brother-in-law of the recently passed Sun Yat-Sen and current general Chiang Kai-Shek. Current finance minister under both Sun and Renjie he was a readily available source of assistance, and had known Renjie from the Shanghai stock exchange. He had studied business in America, and brought that American education and connections to China to help finance the revolution. Having once before constituted the finances of the early government, he answered the call to do so again as unemployment mounted.

The plan between the two of them was to simply refinance the debt owed to China abroad and sell it to investors back in Europe and to the Americas, or to put it up as collateral for loans. Doing so shored up the accounts in the short term, allowing the government to pay for the unemployment benefits to come. As well, they sought out how to maximize China's land-based Georgist tax system in the newly acquired northern provinces. During this time, several proposals for light tariffs were made to the legislature with minimal effect.

In addition, the proposal for an expedition similar to Chiang's northern campaign was proposed for the west, which through the intrigues of China's shifting politics over the passed decade had succumbed to a series of minor revolts against the local governments replacing several local Republican governments with new independent governments. The move it was hoped would help mitigate the rising unemployment through conscripting the recently unemployed and to refurbish the western owned factories for Chinese use. The proposal was also met weakly in the legislature, but at the same time this was occurring a strike wave hit China.

Responding to the growing unemployment the Chinese Communist Party organized vast groups of the unemployed into unemployment unions who sought to press greater social and political demands against the Republic of China. Among these were included an end to the institution of China's rural landlords, who in the time the Republic still acted as ancient noble land barons commanding their armies of serfs. They also demanded a further nationalization of industry and an income tax to help redistribute the wealth. The strikers also demanded the expansion of political suffrage and make the republic's political environment accessible to the greater mass of people. The strike wave proved so large in fact, that it spilled beyond the RoC's borders into Hong Kong where for months it froze the ports of the British colony and Hong Kong's economy ground to a halt and was held captive demanding increased pay and local autonomy for the colony.

Renjie's inability to respond to the sudden strike greatly damage his respect in the Republic and all further legislation he had put forward was frozen. Acting around him critics in the legislature and the other three branches of government moved to appoint a new premier, Guo Jin, a mild socialist and a mid-tier official to negotiate with the striking Communist Party.

Chiang Kai-Shek responded to the strike predictably and he turned his army around to head south to engage the strikers during negotiations. While his influence was weak, Renjie struggled to hold Chiang back before he could make the situation worse through mass slaughter. The CCP was sensitized to the situation and also operated with its friendly officers to stall the general and ceded to the demands of Guo Jin on a promise and dissolved the strike. Under the direction of Guo Jin, many of the disused western factories were forcefully nationalized and reopened to the protests of the European powers, who now had none of the strength left.

1927 came as a momentous moment in China and the world as simultaneously the war in Europe was drawn to an official close, even though broad and large scale hostilities had largely been over for the passed three years. As well, 1927 was an election year in China, and the National Assembly was reconvened to elect a new president. Zhang Renjie had no hope in the elections and withdrew his name from the running and retreated into private life. Guo Jin, always a second-rate bureaucrat disappeared back into government. The only serious contender came in Chiang Kai-Shek who rode on a wave of support for his deeds in the north. On the support of his victories in the Northern Expedition Chiang Kai-Shek was elected president, with TV Soong as his brother-premier. His political mission for the immediate future was clear: to push the Russians from Manchuria.

Before he could mobilize his forces however he needed to solidify his standing at home. The Communists enjoyed post-strike a substantial base of support among the urban cliques of China and for a time had harbored suspicions towards him. Fearing that they may rise in revolution against them he needed to occupy them. Going before the Legislative Yuan, Chiang began with reading the Will of Sun Yat-Sen, a tradition began by Renjie in ceremonial remembrance for the former president. The wall called for the restoration of national unity, the abolition of the unequal treaties, and to progress the Republic. Using the Will, he moved to re-propose a motion by Renjie to mount an expedition to the West. Outlining a basic strategic plan, he offered up a set of officers to lead the march: Zhou Enlai, Liu Siàu Tha̍t, and Zhu De.

Chiang's hope would be that in dispatching several communist officers to another front, and with minimal gearing that he would move them out of their reach of him. The three would coordinate and head westward quelling the unrest and expand China's territorial integrity, while Chiang's regular army would seek to mobilize against the Russians. The motion went through with success, and the armies were mobilized westward in October 1927.

As the Western Expedition mobilized, Chiang withdrew to chart his strategy for Manchuria. At this time the global wires were electric with news of the cessation of hostilities in Europe: peace at last. But an unsettled peace. With it came no changes or concessions that might mark one side or the other as the victor. Among the diplomatic community in Nanjing, the consensus was that of defeat for all the European powers. The occasion opened an opportunity for Chiang to poach several low to mid-ranking officers in Western and Eastern Europe, who without a war found themselves without a career to recruit for Whompoa.

As winter set in Chiang forestalled his planned invasion of Manchuria. During this time, Japan began to re-open hostilities in Manchuria and launched an attack from Dalian against Russian forces to clear their railways that had been choking their leased colony of the resources needed to make it economically viable. By spring the Japanese offensive was well underway and before the snows melted Chiang obtained legislative approval for war and the Chinese Republic declared war on Russia, or rather the Russian Far East. The political situation in the Russian Empire had deteriorated considerably since 1925 as the royal family began to lose the first of its support under the still simmering demands for reform. For the Russian's part admitting as such in private to the Chinese, the Russian ambassador confided in Chiang privately that he was marching against the Far East, and not Russia proper though other diplomatic forces protested the decision to go to war.

Chinese forces entered Liaoning province proper on March 3rd, 1928 and engaged Russian forces. By July Chinese forces met with Japanese forces and a tentative truce had to be drawn up by which either party swore to not engage the other and to push the front north. The war progressed slowly, complicated by the poor terrain until the Chinese and Japanese armies converged on Tongliao and the two armies laid the small city to siege. Russian relief forces arrived and managed to push the armies back.

Meanwhile in the west, the Western expedition went along better than Chiang could have expected. The expedition armies arrived at their staging ground of Chengdu and prepared to approach the Longmen Mountains, which marked the point at which Republican control was nascent at best. Operations began in November as scout planes were dispatched to identify any clear resistance within the mountains and before December came they moved across the range, entering the Tibetan Plateau as the snows were falling in December. Brief skirmishes prevailed over the winter with bandit armies but operational ability was hampered due to lack of equipment and the three commanders agreed to cease operations for the winter and to concentrate on preparing logistics to the Republic proper. As spring melted the snow the armies move on again and reached Yushu as Chiang was beginning his campaign against the Russians. The first real engagement with the Ma Clique armies began there.

The Western Expedition became known for its guerrilla style and improvisation. The conditions forced upon them by Chiang was meant to slow them down, but the trio of commanders found ways to work around them. Instead of engaging in formal organization a series of asymmetrical engagements were made. The political organization of the men as well served to pull the populace away from the Ma armies, and starting slow at first the expedition rapidly picked up speed, arriving in Xining in the north by July, at which point organization within the operation had come to a point where the commanders commissioned for the informal manufacture of their own arms and ammunition locally. The Expedition's momentum became such that within the year the Ma family was forced into retreat, and they disappeared from Qinghai, leaving the government to the commanders who quickly brought the region under organized military control as they ratted out the remnant of resistance.

Instead of pressing on the three marshals organized Qinghai further. Through Liu Siàu Tha̍t the local communities were organized as councils from which the local regional legislature was raised. But arguments between the marshals as to the political course sparked a rivalry between the three that endangered the campaign. The spark came to such a head, that dispatches to Nanjing irritated the central military command who broke the rivalry by ordering each of them on. Zhu De was ordered to re-mobilize for Mongolia, Zhou towards Tibet, and Liu on to Xinjiang.

Of the campaigners, Enlai's forces encountered stalwart defense from the Tibetans who blocked his army's advance onto the Tibetan Plateau. Undermanned and far from any support Enlai was forced to entrench his army and to wait out any attempt by the Tibetans for a counter-offensive. His offensive faltered here, and would not make any more progress for the rest of the offensive.

Zhu's campaign into Mongolia was ill-fated, while he was able to quell rebellion in the rest of Gansu his army could not progress beyond the Gobi desert despite his efforts. A small battle within Mongolia however was initiated when on February 4th, 1929 a motorized division from Zhu De's army engaged a Russian force that had come to occupy the territory in the intervening years. Zhu De's men were roundly defeated, and forced into a hasty retreat back into China where his men were able to repel the Russian and Mongolian counter-offensive. Recognizing the mission was lost, he chose to simply consolidate Gansu as he and his comrades had in Qinghai.

Further from home than the rest, Liu Siàu Tha̍t had more luck in Xinjiang than his comrades and made a hurried advance through the province scattering the rebel East Turkestani armies and aiding in the restoration of the Republican provisional government. He was capable of the same level of organization in the far western province, and had pacified the area by May 5th, 1930.

Chiang, expecting the failure of the expeditions had fallen under distress. The victories of the Three Marshals, both politically and militarily helped to embolden the Communist party and launch them further through the ranks of both party and state. While it is only confirmed he was privately despondent while publicly celebratory the Communist Party would come to allege he plotted to have the three assassinated. While answering a summons to return to Nanjing, the train of Zhu De would derail, killing the general. An incident in southern Gansu would injure Zhou Enlai in an explosion, which while not killing him crippled the man, and he was obliged to retire from the army. What was believed to be an attempted bombing of Liu would occur in Urumqi, but a stroke of fortune meant he was able to entirely miss the explosion when he answered a summons for tea with a local party official.

Chiang's fortunes in the east didn't change much for the better. While managing to press the Russians close to the border, Manchuria became effectively split in three ways. The independent forces of Japan, China, and Russia would converge on Harbin as they had met before. And while the front was not known for its lack of errors in the field, a particularly severe incident would be alleged outside Harbin.

Chinese aircraft patrolling the area during afternoon of April 1st, 1930 encountered an armed column moving south towards the Lalin river. Pinning it for a Russian column the aircraft engaged, blowing the bridge over the river, 64 miles from the city of Songyuan. The air wing would pass over the column and engage it. The column was a convoy escorting a Japanese officer from inspecting the Japanese forces outside of Harbin. Chiang's forces claimed they were not involved, and no such aircraft were in the area. But the incident was not taken lightly and the Japanese attacked Songyuan, dislodging the tired Chinese forces there and the following day bombers appeared over Beijing, accompanied by new confirming that the Japanese Empire declared war on the Republic of China.

The Japanese offensive over southern-western Manchuria would be fast, and by the end of the summer Chiang's army would be forced into a route. Incapable of properly supplying his troops because of the poor conditions of China's north following the Northern Expedition, the Republican Army was soundly beaten in every engagement. The Japanese forced the Republican army from Beijing on December 10th, 1930 and would reinstall Pu Yi – who had retreated to Japan as an exile – as puppet Emperor in China's north-east as a restored Qing Empire, which was little more than a faded shell behind the scenes, more in control of the Japanese than the Emperor himself.

By early autumn of 1931 the explosive progress of the Japanese pushed the Chinese army to the Yangtze river, where they held with their backs against the river. European tourists in Shanghai would remark in these days the flashes of Japanese bombs could be seen from the city along the northern horizon as The Bund was filled with tense military activity as Chiang's forces for the first time entered Shanghai. The local Communist leagues raised a militia to support the troops. By this time a air and naval war erupted over the Southern Chinese coast from Taiwan. But southern China, longer held by the Republic and more developed proved to be a more difficult front for the Japanese troops that could do little more than land or engage in bombing raids against the Chinese forces. Attempted landings would be made in Fuzhou (October 2nd, 1931), Quanzhou, Xiamen (November 8th, 1931), and even Hong Kong and Macau (January 10th, 1932) in hostile dismissal of European powers. And while the Chinese troops managed to dislodge the Japanese from Macau by March, the dense mountainous terrain of Hong Kong turned into a long siege as part of the larger Battle of Guangzhou which lost its land-war characteristic and transformed into an air war. Japanese soldiers would also retaliate bitterly against Hong Kong for several attempted armed uprisings against the occupiers who turned their occupation into sporadic episodes of street warfare.

With a large and even growing contingent of the Chinese army in the west, now uniformly commanded by Liu Siàu Tha̍t the Japanese thought to cut the Republican army in two and their Gansu offensive opened in August of 1932. General Liu was ordered to respond, and he routed the Japanese at Xi'an.

The Japanese offensive quickly found its breaking point at their defeat of Xi'an. Stretched thin over a large chunk of China they ran into difficulties in continuing their offensive. Further, operating far from the sea they ran into issues operating deep in the rugged Chinese interior whose mountains confounded Japanese offensives. They were forced into a defensive posture early in the winter of 1933 as the Republic of China faced a new election.

Appealing to the national crisis, Chiang demanded the support of the National Assembly, citing the current state of the war. And though the course of the crisis had damaged his base within the electoral Assembly, he was able to win the election. Chiang was able to also credit his victory to the new allies to the Chinese, the Germans who after the opening of hostilities with Japan began sending advisers to assist the Chinese in their strategy. The aid measures had only increased as it evolved from advisers to Germany's post-war surplus. German tanks and rifles became common among the Chinese lines. Through and after the election, Germany managed to receive Chiang's consent to study and experiment with German military theory in combined arms and German officers took the field directly. In the following year, TV Soong managed to renegotiate the German debt to China to zero with the offer to formally cede Qingdao back to China as soon as Chinese forces took the city.

Events in China at this time also attracted the interest of other foreign adventurers. Chiang's wife and sister to TV Soong, Soong Mei-Ling had managed to seek potential advisors and assistance from America early in the war through her husband's contacts with American business and academic circles. In 1932 her network of confidants an courted Americans had attracted the likes of Claire Lee Chennault, an American aviator who had served in the US Army's air signal corp, and who had taken his air training to Europe as a volunteer during the Great War. But due to America's non-involvement in the war had found himself an airman without much of a career in the force, while flying privately as a stunt pilot he was approached by Mei-Ling and was offered a commission to bring he and his company to China to inspect and train Chinese pilots. The offer would give Claire an escape from events to transpire soon in America.

As he landed in China his job began immediately. Having to travel north first through French Indochina to avoid the Japanese naval blockade he was quickly commandeered by Chinese officials before he could even settle to get to the job of reinforcing Nanjing, which being so close to the front was routinely threatened by Japanese forces. And while the Japanese did not yet have absolute air superiority, the Chinese air force was itself in disarray and in retreat. Through the remainder of 1932 he quickly re-organized and retrained Chinese pilots and went to the air to repel Japanese
aerial assault. Chennault's air core, named the Flying Tigers became the premier air force in the Central China theater, and as Japanese forces began to be pushed back in 1934 was credited with helping to preserve Nanjing as the government returned to the city.

The years of 1933-1936 came also as an adventuring boon to China, in part from the political purges in America during the period. The Republic of China, having long had deep contacts with America also meant that for many political refugees from the US, China became a natural place to retreat too, although the way there was often difficult from the war. Many who came to China to serve traveled From Australia to French Indochina and north into the Republic of China. But as they arrived the Chinese were quick to put them to use.

The war with Japan also afforded an opportunity for minor European officers who were without a career in Europe to leave to. And while the Germans maintained the most organized military and research partnership in China, many a French and British officer arrived to recast their depressed Great War careers as would-be heroes, gunslingers, and soldiers in China.

During the 1937 fighting period the Japanese made a push to try and close the gap by invading Southern China through Vietnam. Opening a new theater of operations the Japanese Empire invaded northern Vietnam and pushed deep into the country-side, taking advantage of staunch anti-French sentiment to also mobilize the Vietnamese people. Their independence would be short lived as the Japanese quickly set up a military government.

The closure of Vietnam also came with the full commitment of the Japanese navy that solidified its blockade on the country. While the Japanese could not mount a successful naval landing in the south, the constant naval bombardments and aerial war intensified the pressure and was able to reverse northern gains. The tightening of the Japanese noose at sea began in 1935 and by the same year Chinese forces were unable to progress. By 1937 the Chinese were in a slow retreat.

In 1938 the Russian Far East revived the Manchurian Front with a spring-time offensive in April against a lightly defended Japanese border at Heilongjiang. The moment could not come at a better time for Chiang who was staring down his third election. In time for the 1939 election he ceased on the momentum made by the Russians for the Chinese, and committing entirely to German strategy to try and at least retake the lost territories made a rapid advance north, actually outpacing initial offensive projections. The army was able to retake Beijing ahead of the election, and the act of it won Chiang re-election by a narrow margin. The Japanese thwarted the continued push north with a naval re-invasion at Shandong turning the Chinese forces around to enclose Japanese troops in the province. There was a renewed southern invasion when the Japanese mounted a landing under heavy air and sea support of Hainan, which they held and occupied until the end of the war. From Hainan the Japanese would attempt an offensive through Leizhou to take Guangdong. Japanese forces made it as far north as Maoming under intense naval support before being stopped.

In late 1939 and under economic distress Chiang needed a lifeline and in the current emergency situation he devised to invade Japanese Vietnam to liberate it from the Japanese. Assigning general Liu Siàu Tha̍t an emergency campaign was orchestrated with the French, who incapable of directly governing Vietnam would provide support for an invasion. Through former French colonial officers the Chinese linked up with Vietnamese agitator Nguyễn Sinh Cung to drive the Japanese from Vietnam and to re-open the country. At the same time, offended by Japan's hostility and occupation of Hong Kong the British through India opened a supply route through the rough and hazardous countryside of Burma's mountainous and feudal northern territories to link China with India. The work was hazardous and malaria plagued, but starting in 1937 had managed to open a dirt highway into China's Yunnan province in 1940.

With widespread guerrilla war on the part of Liu and Nguyen Japan was forced out of Vietnam by 1943. The new land connection via Burma helping to keep the Chinese state limping along even as Burma became threatened by the Japanese navy. The new injections into China re-energized what was feared to be an enervating state. The Japanese faced a new thorn as well when the Dutch closed the Malacca Straight to Japanese ships, ending Japanese operations in the Andaman Sea and the Bay of Bengal. The Japanese would not press further in fear of losing its economic life-line.

The 1943 fighting season saw a Chinese army restored and re-equipped to take the fight to the enemy even as Japan continued to stubbornly shell the coast. Reigniting the northern front Chinese troops made another high-speed push northward making large gains in short time. Chinese troops arrived in Liaoning before the end of the year and sent the IJN in retreat to beyond the Yalu River; fearing a organized anti-Japanese insurgency among the Korean populace as in Vietnam the Japanese forces in Korea would remain to scrutinize and police the tense Korean population.

Still in advance, the Chinese moved to the Russians who had held the region in perpetual war with the Japanese since they relaunched their earlier invasion. But a weary and ill-equipped Russian Far Eastern Army was sent into an even more chaotic retreat before the Chinese who pushed far into the Russian Far East, overshooting their target.

Japan formally surrendered in 1944, and the Chinese obliged the Russian forces to surrender the Manchurian lands earlier taken by the Empire. At the independent conferences Japan ended its hostilities and transferred the mainland back to China, including treaty ports and ending its former leased colonial arrangements. Vietnam was transferred back to France under a tentative agreement with the local Vietnamese. The treaty was signed in Sydney on November 20th 1944. At roughly the same time, Japan was awarded Outer Manchuria, but denied Vladivostok which through diplomatic wranglings would become an independent city-state surrounded by China, although the city would send a representative to the Legislative Yuan and Chinese National Assembly as a commitment to represent the Russian population China now controlled, despite ironically not being in direct control of Vladivostok.

The celebrations in China were jubilant and grandiose. For the first time since the Xinhai Revolution the country was whole and the Republic held the dominant hand over the country. Through the remainder of the year and on into the next the intrigues of the Nanjing-based government was almost overlooked until the 1945 presidential election, where Chiang re-enrolled himself for another term. Word got out as well that Chiang was conspiring to use the newly victorious army to purge the Communists and the Socialists from power.

Obviously, the plot did not go over well when it broke and a contingent of the Chinese army showed up outside the recently reconstructed Executive Mansion in Nanjing lead by a young colonel named Hou Tsai Tang to prevent Chiang from issuing the order. Hou Tsai Tang, also known as Hou Tsai obligated the president-commander to withdraw from the running, and to allow the Chinese Republic to end the second provisional period that it had been in. Surrounded, and with his goose cooked Chiang was obligated to agree and defeated in his victory called upon the government to initiate the proceedings to come to the united Federal Republic of China.

Hou Tsai Tang for his efforts would astonishingly retire from military service after as proceedings commence. But a committed and card-carrying Communist, he was not distant from the constitutional convention to draft the new Republican government. The new constitution was announced on November 14th, 1945 and elections for an entirely new government were opened in January 1946. In May the first legislature, President and Premier and Executive Council, Control Yuan, Examination Yuan, and Supreme Court were assembled in Nanjing as the permanent seat of the new government. Under the new constitution the president would be elected to serve in five year terms, as would the posts in the legislature to elect two-thirds of the National Assembly and Legislative Yuan – respectively the Lower and Upper House in the new Bicameral structure – every five years, generally through direct participation but the provinces of China could also institute their own rules for election.

The first president to be elected post-war was Guang Su, a progressive socialist candidate from a more moderate labor tradition. His five year presidency was dominated by the reorganization and reconstruction of China's infrastructure particularly in the north. Guang Su's largest achievement being the passing of a pension for veterans of the war, though ability to pay the pension is made difficult by the poor record keeping of China because of the Republic's fitful and tortured beginning.

Guang Su was voted out of office in 1951 and a conservative Kuomintang officer would win the presidency. Li Su, a Sino-Japanese war hero would be slow on reforms and brought back from his post-Chiang retirement TV Soong to help in financial affairs. Much of Li Su's tenure would be marked by maintaining a status quo, as well as encouraging traditional standards in Chinese education despite Communist-led campaigning for modernization.

As Li Su faces election however in 1956, Chinese society the nation over looks ahead to a new evolution. Though the CCP has yet to win the presidency and has thus far played a secondary role, it has been no less active throughout the nation. Working among the factory unions and the peasants, the CCP is directly involved in organizing and educating the working and peasant class which cites continuing discontent with the landlord class that has survived the turbulent generation of China. And through the party culture of the CCP is Hou Tsai Tang, regarded as a hero in the left for stopping Chiang's plot to purge the Republic. Looking into the immediate future, it is believed the Communist Party as a very real chance of clutching the presidency.

Precipice Of War: The Reboot of a Reboot

"I recently discussed with an intelligent and well-disposed man the threat of another war, which in my opinion would seriously endanger the existence of mankind, and I remarked that only a supra-national organization would offer protection from that danger. Thereupon my visitor, very calmly and coolly, said to me: 'Why are you so deeply opposed to the disappearance of the human race?'"
- Albert Einstein, 1949

“A man sets out to draw the world. As the years go by, he peoples a space with images of provinces, kingdoms, mountains, bays, ships, islands, fishes, rooms, instruments, stars, horses, and individuals. A short time before he dies, he discovers that the patient labyrinth of lines traces the lineaments of his own face.”
― Jorge Luis Borges, The Aleph and Other Stories

The year is 1955, but it is not our 1955. A generation ago the world was warped by the most violent of wars to patronize the human race. In the agonizing nations of Europe the warped alliances and stressed lurching and gnarled warping of the old competitive powers of the world finally broke 1914. A shot in Sarajevo sends the world careening into an abyss as an old empire buckles and breaks in anger. One after another, the nations of Europe and her colonies throw human life at each other in an industrialized slaughter not before seen. The flower of Europe is scorched and frayed on the fields of France, in Africa, in the Middle East, and in Asia as colonies and world spanning Empires converge upon Europe to fight under the clear unbroken sky in a violence more naked and more clear than any earlier soldier would have dreamed from the old world-spanning wars of Europe's rivalries. The smoke that scours the battlefield springs not from cannons or from rifles, but from the chemical death that rolls out from artillery as white hot smoke rolls over spider-webbed trenches to snuff out or drive out the enemy. Up until 1927 the Central and Allied powers thrust into each other seeking weakness, grinding up the flower of their youth, of generations, to attain some upper hand to the glory; though it may be said and wisely, that even by then the great giants of Europe bled themselves weak on the field and withheld their sabers for a time before.

And why is it for a full thirteen years Europe swung and shot at each other, up-ending age old traditions and customs and annihilating themselves? With the two histories of our world and theirs overlain, the fraying of the thread becomes clear. For all the devilish machinations neutrality in America is maintained! Do you see it there? And what happens in Russia? The czar retreats, wise to the plots of reformers and radicals and pulling back to put them under. Germany is relieved, the powers can refocus. The landscape shifts and come into new focus. And the war drags.

Summoned from Asia, summoned from Africa! The colonial askaris come to fight on Europe's shores and ask, “why?”

During and after: revolution, the war ends and it's bitter. Little changes, but nothing can be won. Only things can be lost. The world over changes and as the old European giants collapse into their sick beds to heal their wounds others come scrambling to claim their roost. Has this been settled? It has not. The politics change, the market has changed. The bullet remains chambered in its rifle.

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Intro

Welcome to Precipice of War, you may have heard the name. Precipice of War is an old brand of Roleplay, tracing its legacy several forums ago where it was born on the old Spore forums. It changed over time as it migrated, and has been rebooted and retconned now and then. And again it's being rebooted for you. So you might be asking and for clarity's sake: what is the premise of this RP?

As a Nation RP you take on the roll of a country, its politics, and its characters. Though this has not always been the case in PoW, and we have accepted single character applications and even applications for non-government organizations. The world is set in an alternate history, where instead of a single clear and unique winner in the First World War, there is no discernible victor. Instead the war drags on excruciatingly long and then ends without a confirmed “winner” one way or the other. Ceasefires were written in 1921, but the final 1927 peace signed in Rotterdam was merely a means by which to end open hostilities, containing within what minimum is needed to ensure as much. Though unilateral treaties between hostile parties are not out of the question.

For this to happen the US maintained neutrality in the war, and the Russian Empire withdrew early to quell the fermenting revolution. But for the later the price it had to pay for that was dear and despite the wise move was still eroded from within. Over the ensuing decades it became less and less capable and transformed into a pariah of itself.

Now in 1955 we pick up, and the future there is up to you. Because of World War 2 as well, it is taken as fact that the war-time developments that occurred during that war and arose from it do not exist in this RP and the world is technologically stunted. Sorry folks: no jet airplanes and no nuclear weapons for you!

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Handy Timeline of Events

POW Timeline (1910-1950)

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Russia: The Pariah of the North

One of the unique aspects of Precipice since the beginning was the dissolution of and destruction of Russia. As the history goes, it has devolved into a pariah of itself. While the global community recognizes the Russian Empire as existing as a single entity in respect to its borders, internally control of the country is under competition between the numerous officials and generals of the Empire while the Czar continues to rule from Saint Petersburg, having no real authority over the country. And for the intent of the RP, we are not allowing anyone to take command of the Czar, or no single person. That is why when it comes to Russia we have written a “Czar Bible” to differ to when your story archs pass through the Empire of the Rus.

As of 1955 Russia is ruled in name by Czarina Kira Kirillovna of the house of Romanov. Kira finds herself on the throne. Enthroned based on a series of bad luck events, Kira is broadly considered illegitimate by the Old Guard of Russia and is rumored to be a lesbian because of her inability to so far sire any heirs. She however has adopted a strict state machinery which has alienated the New Guard of Russian politics which has distanced themselves from her as well. Having alienated either camp, what semblance of a state she has is incredibly weak and it is necessary for her to be propped up from outside to prevent a total collapse of Europe.

Because of this, and her not being allowed to be player controlled the following is true:

- Things the Tsar would never do no matter what (and would never give any ground on for these issues):
Kira is absolutely an Anti-Communist and will not accept communist proposals or communists in government.

- Things the Tsar would only do under great pressure and even then reluctantly
Kira is incredibly reluctant to give up her absolute authority and, only being forced to give up power to The Duma under great duress and pressure, but will jump at taking back powers from The Duma.

- Things the Tsar would feel indifferent about and leave to others to sort out
Distribution of Russian territory to foreign adventurers on the pretense they are there to quell the imperial unrest

- Things the Tsar would feel is none of her business and avoid making a choice about
Kira is internationally indifferent, if anything just leaving international affairs to vacationing.

- Things the Tsar would support
Kira would support fellow Absolutists and particularly generals that support the Czar

- Things the Tsar would vehemently defend, to the death if need be
The Orthodox Church

Addition to the Bible will be made by player consensus as the RP progresses. If a new situation arises that is not addressed by the Bible, we will discuss what the most likely course of action she will take and add it to the Bible. The hopes being as things move along an organic and consistent-enough NPC character will develop as everyone fucks around with Russian internal politics. Otherwise: players are free to play as their own autonomous or independent rebellious groups within Russia itself as they are outside of it.

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The British Empire: The Federalized Empire

Because of unique OOC circumstances surrounding the British Empire functionally, and its extreme size this RP is observing the passage of the Imperial Federation. The implication of this is that the British Empire, being so badly bruised militarily and politically after the long disaster of the Great War. In hopes of healing the antagonisms within the Empire, Parliament signed into law acts that federalized the empire, and signing them into law the Crown conceded local autonomy to much of its vast holdings outside the home islands, and even granting political autonomy to Scotland the relieve pressure on the core.

However, the effect of the Great War on national consciousness in the colonies and their relationship to the Home Islands was not entirely abated by the Acts of Federalization. Movements ripple throughout the greater Empire in resistance to even hands-off British rule. During the present moment of the RP, crisis is broiling in British India as protest over the murder of Gandhi has spilled over into full scale insurrection and warfare across the entirety of the sub-continent.

To Federal States of the Empire, none are required to come to the aid of the British Homelands and are entrusted to respond to crisis at the imperial core out of good faith. But in the event of crisis at the imperial margins, the British homelands are required to send military aid and respond as-if being invaded, rendering Britain and Scotland the dedicated defenders of a vast realm. Players who come into PoW should be mindful of this.

For as long as the Imperial Federation remains without players it is in an NPC state, and its regions are up to random chance as rolled by me with dice. This shall be done on a regional basis, and the RNG is intended to, for now, simulate the precarity of the realm.

Each region of the Federation is numbered off and follows:

• 1 - Europe and British possessions in Europe (the Home Islands, Gibraltr, Cyprus)
• 2 - India and Asia (India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Burma, Malaysia, etc)
• 3 - Africa (Occupied Egypt, South Africa, Rhodesia, etc)
• 4 - Oceania (Australia, New Zealand)
• 5 - British America (Canada, Jamaica, British Guiana, etc)

On rolling a region with dice, I will roll 1-10 on the intensity of the situation in the area. With a 1 equaling most favorable to the British and 10 most favorable to the anti-British. In some cases because of historical legacy a modifier will have to be used to reflect the legacy of pro-British sentiment. These buying:

• Home Islands: -5 intensity
• Oceania: -5 intensity
• British America: -3 intensity

On rolling and determining the intensity I will narrativize it within the context of ongoing events and write a post as a release from the British Broadcasting Corporation or from Reuters. In all cases of intensities of 4-6 there will be no territorial changes.

Following this, a roll of 4-10 will take place which will be how much time in post count will transpire before the next event.

This does not exclude situations in which the player is interacting with the Imperial Federation of the United Kingdom in any way. In which case the player determines what is happening. Neither does it overlap with a player who has a nation in the commonwealth, in which case I will exclude them from any events or simply stop rolling for that region all together.

In the event there is a roll in which literally nothing happens (Homelands; intensity 4-5) I will simply start over.

Imperial Federation Players

- This is where I would list you chaps, IF I HAD ANY -

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The Map and Nation Claim

(the map may include nations filled in for lore reasons specific to a particular player, but does not mean any of these nations are ran by the player who requested them filled out in any way, shape, or form)



Already claimed Nations:
Federal Republic of China (blue) – AaronMk
Germany (gray-brown) – Yam I Am
Dominion of Canada (Burnt Orange) - CaptainBritton
United States of America (Dark Purple) - MaoMao
Mexico (Green) – TheEvanCat
Argentina (Tourqouis) – Wyrm

The basic application format if you're actually committed is:

Nation: (Or name, or name of organization if you are playing as an individual or a non-state based organization

Map: (Or location of residence for the character, or where the organization is headquartered)

History:

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Discord:
discord.gg/syzbqMb

Precipice of War - The Reboot of the reboot

I would like to express interest.

@Spiffy

Excellent, I will await which ever choice you make.

Precipice of War - The Reboot of the reboot

I'm definitly interested, but I'm looking at such an open map! I could honestly play as any of the major Westerners, or as Japan.

@Noblebandit

If Japan you'll need to speak with Shyri/Feo, who's setting up as England and has some stuff going on with Japan already.

Precipice of War - The Reboot of the reboot

I think the Megali idea would be the best bet for an example of what can be legitimately done

@Andreyich

Yeah, and the ethnic make up of the west coast of Anatolia would make that a difficult long-term thing. Let alone it would be difficult to even start. Going for the whole of Anatolia would be immediately rejected by everyone.

Though with a filling Europe up there might be opportunity for them to appeal to Europe at large to make some consideration, especially if history is altered such that Ataturk doesn't really succeed and Turkey gets worse.

Precipice of War - The Reboot of the reboot

@Dinh AaronMk It is time! Greece and Anatolia shall be MINE. ROMA INVICTA, SCREW YOU MUSSOLINI XD

I shall happily join and create Not!Byzantium. :P

Though i will miss the Greek Fire. Alas, too late in history to have it. XD

@Crusader Lord

I think Anatolia might be a bit much but I can imagine some sniping of Western Anatolia, and/or some memery with the Pontic Greeks.

Precipice of War - The Reboot of the reboot

@Dinh AaronMk Noted! But to ask out of curiosity...would you mind a Byzantine/Greek rebellion that 'restores' the old Byzantine Empire and took some stuff from the Ottomans? Like a historical "what if", taking the Ottomans at their lowest and basically pulling a "Greco-Rome Returns"? Or maybe it was during the war or...er, something. It is a fun idea to me, but i want to ask to get your thoughts on it! :O

@Crusader Lord

Using Greece after WW2 as a model, it went through an insane period of revolution and counter-revolution and coup and counter-coup. It wouldn't be unusual in PoW for Greece to spring up during the war and pry some land from the Turks. And after the war, even without the Byzantine trim do all the Byzantine politics, lol