The year is 1955, but it is not our 1955. A generation ago the world was warped by the most violent of wars to patronize the human race. In the agonizing nations of Europe the warped alliances and stressed lurching and gnarled warping of the old competitive powers of the world finally broke 1914. A shot in Sarajevo sends the world careening into an abyss as an old empire buckles and breaks in anger. One after another, the nations of Europe and her colonies throw human life at each other in an industrialized slaughter not before seen. The flower of Europe is scorched and frayed on the fields of France, in Africa, in the Middle East, and in Asia as colonies and world spanning Empires converge upon Europe to fight under the clear unbroken sky in a violence more naked and more clear than any earlier soldier would have dreamed from the old world-spanning wars of Europe's rivalries. The smoke that scours the battlefield springs not from cannons or from rifles, but from the chemical death that rolls out from artillery as white hot smoke rolls over spider-webbed trenches to snuff out or drive out the enemy. Up until 1927 the Central and Allied powers thrust into each other seeking weakness, grinding up the flower of their youth, of generations, to attain some upper hand to the glory; though it may be said and wisely, that even by then the great giants of Europe bled themselves weak on the field and withheld their sabers for a time before.

And why is it for a full thirteen years Europe swung and shot at each other, up-ending age old traditions and customs and annihilating themselves? With the two histories of our world and theirs overlain, the fraying of the thread becomes clear. For all the devilish machinations neutrality in America is maintained! Do you see it there? And what happens in Russia? The czar retreats, wise to the plots of reformers and radicals and pulling back to put them under. Germany is relieved, the powers can refocus. The landscape shifts and come into new focus. And the war drags.

Summoned from Asia, summoned from Africa! The colonial askaris come to fight on Europe's shores and ask, “why?”

During and after: revolution, the war ends and it's bitter. Little changes, but nothing can be won. Only things can be lost. The world over changes and as the old European giants collapse into their sick beds to heal their wounds others come scrambling to claim their roost. Has this been settled? It has not. The politics change, the market has changed. The bullet remains chambered in its rifle.

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Welcome to Precipice of War, you may have heard the name. Precipice of War is an old brand of Roleplay, tracing its legacy several forums ago where it was born on the old Spore forums. It changed over time as it migrated, and has been rebooted and retconned now and then. And again it's being rebooted for you. So you might be asking and for clarity's sake: what is the premise of this RP?

As a Nation RP you take on the roll of a country, its politics, and its characters. Though this has not always been the case in PoW, and we have accepted single character applications and even applications for non-government organizations. The world is set in an alternate history, where instead of a single clear and unique winner in the First World War, there is no discernible victor. Instead the war drags on excruciatingly long and then ends without a confirmed “winner” one way or the other. Ceasefires were written in 1921, but the final 1927 peace signed in Rotterdam was merely a means by which to end open hostilities, containing within what minimum is needed to ensure as much. Though unilateral treaties between hostile parties are not out of the question.

For this to happen the US maintained neutrality in the war, and the Russian Empire withdrew early to quell the fermenting revolution. But for the later the price it had to pay for that was dear and despite the wise move was still eroded from within. Over the ensuing decades it became less and less capable and transformed into a pariah of itself.

Now in 1955 we pick up, and the future there is up to you. Because of World War 2 as well, it is taken as fact that the war-time developments that occurred during that war and arose from it do not exist in this RP and the world is technologically stunted. Sorry folks: no jet airplanes and no nuclear weapons for you!

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POW Timeline (1910-1950)

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One of the unique aspects of Precipice since the beginning was the dissolution of and destruction of Russia. As the history goes, it has devolved into a pariah of itself. While the global community recognizes the Russian Empire as existing as a single entity in respect to its borders, internally control of the country is under competition between the numerous officials and generals of the Empire while the Czar continues to rule from Saint Petersburg, having no real authority over the country. And for the intent of the RP, we are not allowing anyone to take command of the Czar, or no single person. That is why when it comes to Russia we have written a “Czar Bible” to differ to when your story archs pass through the Empire of the Rus.

As of 1955 Russia is ruled in name by Czarina Kira Kirillovna of the house of Romanov. Kira finds herself on the throne. Enthroned based on a series of bad luck events, Kira is broadly considered illegitimate by the Old Guard of Russia and is rumored to be a lesbian because of her inability to so far sire any heirs. She however has adopted a strict state machinery which has alienated the New Guard of Russian politics which has distanced themselves from her as well. Having alienated either camp, what semblance of a state she has is incredibly weak and it is necessary for her to be propped up from outside to prevent a total collapse of Europe.

Because of this, and her not being allowed to be player controlled the following is true:

- Things the Tsar would never do no matter what (and would never give any ground on for these issues):
Kira is absolutely an Anti-Communist and will not accept communist proposals or communists in government.

- Things the Tsar would only do under great pressure and even then reluctantly
Kira is incredibly reluctant to give up her absolute authority and, only being forced to give up power to The Duma under great duress and pressure, but will jump at taking back powers from The Duma.

- Things the Tsar would feel indifferent about and leave to others to sort out
Distribution of Russian territory to foreign adventurers on the pretense they are there to quell the imperial unrest

- Things the Tsar would feel is none of her business and avoid making a choice about
Kira is internationally indifferent, if anything just leaving international affairs to vacationing.

- Things the Tsar would support
Kira would support fellow Absolutists and particularly generals that support the Czar

- Things the Tsar would vehemently defend, to the death if need be
The Orthodox Church

Addition to the Bible will be made by player consensus as the RP progresses. If a new situation arises that is not addressed by the Bible, we will discuss what the most likely course of action she will take and add it to the Bible. The hopes being as things move along an organic and consistent-enough NPC character will develop as everyone fucks around with Russian internal politics. Otherwise: players are free to play as their own autonomous or independent rebellious groups within Russia itself as they are outside of it.

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Because of unique OOC circumstances surrounding the British Empire functionally, and its extreme size this RP is observing the passage of the Imperial Federation. The implication of this is that the British Empire, being so badly bruised militarily and politically after the long disaster of the Great War. In hopes of healing the antagonisms within the Empire, Parliament signed into law acts that federalized the empire, and signing them into law the Crown conceded local autonomy to much of its vast holdings outside the home islands, and even granting political autonomy to Scotland the relieve pressure on the core.

However, the effect of the Great War on national consciousness in the colonies and their relationship to the Home Islands was not entirely abated by the Acts of Federalization. Movements ripple throughout the greater Empire in resistance to even hands-off British rule. During the present moment of the RP, crisis is broiling in British India as protest over the murder of Gandhi has spilled over into full scale insurrection and warfare across the entirety of the sub-continent.

To Federal States of the Empire, none are required to come to the aid of the British Homelands and are entrusted to respond to crisis at the imperial core out of good faith. But in the event of crisis at the imperial margins, the British homelands are required to send military aid and respond as-if being invaded, rendering Britain and Scotland the dedicated defenders of a vast realm. Players who come into PoW should be mindful of this.



For as long as the Imperial Federation remains without players it is in an NPC state, and its regions are up to random chance as rolled by me with dice. This shall be done on a regional basis, and the RNG is intended to, for now, simulate the precarity of the realm.

Each region of the Federation is numbered off and follows:

• 1 - Europe and British possessions in Europe (the Home Islands, Gibraltr, Cyprus)
• 2 - India and Asia (India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Burma, Malaysia, etc)
• 3 - Africa (Occupied Egypt, South Africa, Rhodesia, etc)
• 4 - Oceania (Australia, New Zealand)
• 5 - British America (Canada, Jamaica, British Guiana, etc)

On rolling a region with dice, I will roll 1-10 on the intensity of the situation in the area. With a 1 equaling most favorable to the British and 10 most favorable to the anti-British. In some cases because of historical legacy a modifier will have to be used to reflect the legacy of pro-British sentiment. These buying:

• Home Islands: -5 intensity
• Oceania: -5 intensity
• British America: -3 intensity

On rolling and determining the intensity I will narrativize it within the context of ongoing events and write a post as a release from the British Broadcasting Corporation or from Reuters. In all cases of intensities of 4-6 there will be no territorial changes.

Following this, a roll of 4-10 will take place which will be how much time in post count will transpire before the next event.

This does not exclude situations in which the player is interacting with the Imperial Federation of the United Kingdom in any way. In which case the player determines what is happening. Neither does it overlap with a player who has a nation in the commonwealth, in which case I will exclude them from any events or simply stop rolling for that region all together.

In the event there is a roll in which literally nothing happens (Homelands; intensity 4-5) I will simply start over.


- This is where I would list you chaps, IF I HAD ANY -

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(the map may include nations filled in for lore reasons specific to a particular player, but does not mean any of these nations are ran by the player who requested them filled out in any way, shape, or form)



Already claimed Nations:
Federal Republic of China (blue) – AaronMk
Germany (gray-brown) – Yam I Am
Dominion of Canada (Burnt Orange) - CaptainBritton
United States of America (Dark Purple) - MaoMao
Mexico (Green) – TheEvanCat
Argentina (Tourqouis) – Wyrm

The basic application format if you're actually committed is:

Nation: (Or name, or name of organization if you are playing as an individual or a non-state based organization

Map: (Or location of residence for the character, or where the organization is headquartered)

History:

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Discord:
discord.gg/syzbqMb

Ohhh this looks good, You mind if I make a Sweden?

I see your app, @Dusty. But I've also been waiting on one @Mendicant Bias. Although they don't seem to have done anything yet so you may get to take their place. I'm just going to give them a day or something since they were first call, although they haven't been around in a week according to posting history.

Nation: Vatican City

Map:



aka that purple bit.

History:

Only 121 acres in size, Vatican City is the smallest sovereign nation in the world. Despite that it is one of the oldest and most powerful institutions in the world. The Papal States ended with the unification of Italy in 1871. After a period of nearly fifty years of uncertainty on the Church's place in the country, the Holy See was declared independent in 19929. Though the years of the Papal States and fiery Catholic conquest is now a distant memory, the Catholic Church has still held on to power firmly in its own ways. With hundreds of millions of good Catholics stretched across the globe, a fortune so vast that is thought to be truly incalculable, and access to even the most darkest secrets mankind has to offer, the Church is seen as a valuable ally to have, and a fierce enemy to cross.

Characters:

Leo XIV - Pope, formally Cardinal Duilio Gallo.
Cardinal Vicenzo Donini - Vatican City power broker, Cardinal Secretary of State, president of the Vatican City Commission
Archbishop Eugene König - German Archbishop and head of L'Entità
Father Harold Mitchell - Born Hideo Matsumoto, Japanese priest, lawyer, and Devil's Advocate
Oberst David Stoller - Head of the Swiss Guard, Vatican City's defacto military.

I see your app, @Dusty. But I've also been waiting on one @Mendicant Bias. Although they don't seem to have done anything yet so you may get to take their place. I'm just going to give them a day or something since they were first call, although they haven't been around in a week according to posting history.

Nah they can have France, I'll switch to a smaller nation since I have less time than I expected now

History: Guatemala had long been little more than a puppet or resource for other nations to use as they saw fit. Following the Spanish conquest, the incorporation of Central America into the Mexican Empire, there was a brief recourse when the nations of Central America united as a single federation, only to collapse thereafter, and for Guatemala to fall into the sphere of the United States.

The US-based United Fruit Company (UFC) was one of many foreign companies that acquired large tracts of both state land and indigenous land. Manuel Estrada Cabrera, who was president of Guatemala from 1898 to 1920, permitted limited unionization in rural Guatemala, but also made further concessions to the UFC. In 1922, the Communist Party of Guatemala was created, and became a significant influence among urban laborers; however, it had little reach among the rural and Indian populations. In 1929, the Great Depression led to the collapse of the economy and a rise in unemployment, leading to unrest among workers and laborers. Fearing the possibility of a revolution, the landed elite lent their support to Jorge Ubico y Castañeda, who had built a reputation for ruthlessness and efficiency as a provincial governor. Ubico won the election that followed in 1931, in which he was the only candidate.

Ubico had made statements supporting the labor movement when campaigning for the presidency, but after his election his policy quickly became authoritarian. He abolished the system of debt peonage and replaced it with a vagrancy law, which required all men of working age who did not own land to perform a minimum of 100 days of hard labor. In addition, the state made use of unpaid Indian labor to work on public infrastructures like roads and railroads. Ubico also froze wages at very low levels and passed a law allowing land-owners complete immunity from prosecution for any action they took to defend their property, in practice legalizing murder. He greatly strengthened the police force, turning it into one of the most efficient and ruthless in Latin America. The police were given greater authority to shoot and imprison people suspected of breaking the labor laws. Ubico was highly contemptuous of the country's indigenous people, once stating that they resembled donkeys. The result of these laws was to create tremendous resentment against him among agricultural laborers.

The October Revolution
As Ubico's policies lead to a downturn in the living conditions in Guatemala, widespread protests began against his government. Ubico responded by indefinitely suspending the constitution, and carrying out quick and brutal repression of any resistance to his rule. However, the protests had grown to the point where the government could not stamp them out, and rural areas also began organizing against the dictatorship. The government began using the police to intimidate the indigenous population to keep the junta in power through the forthcoming election. This resulted in growing support for an armed revolution among some sections of the populace. By now, the army was disillusioned with the junta, and progressives within it had begun to plot a coup. On 1 October 1944, Alejandro Cordova, the editor of El Imparcial, the main opposition newspaper, was assassinated. This led to the military coup plotters reaching out to the leaders of the protests, in an attempt to turn the coup into a popular uprising. On the 19th, Ubico announced elections, but the pro-democracy forces denounced them as a fraud, citing his attempts to rig them. That same day, a small group of army officers launched a coup, led by Francisco Javier Arana and Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán. They were joined the next day by other factions of the army and the civilian population. Initially, the battle went against the revolutionaries, but after an appeal for support their ranks were swelled by unionists and students, and they eventually subdued the police and army factions loyal to Ubico. On October 20, Ubico surrendered unconditionally and was sent into exile in the United States.

The military junta was replaced by another three-person junta consisting of Árbenz, Arana, and an upper-class youth named Jorge Toriello, who had played a significant role in the protests. The junta promised free and open elections to the presidency and the congress, as well as for a constituent assembly.

The subsequent elections took place in December 1944, and were broadly considered free and fair, although only literate men were given the vote. Unlike in similar historical situations, none of the junta members stood for election. The winner was one Juan José Arévalo Bermejo, the candidate of the Renovación Nacional, also known as the teachers' party. In an unexpected surge of support, his candidacy was endorsed by many of the leading organizations among the protesters, including the student federation.

Arévalo took office on March 15, 1945, inheriting a country with numerous social and economic issues. Despite Ubico's policy of using unpaid labor to build public roads, internal transport was severely inadequate. 70% of the population was illiterate, and malnutrition and poor health were widespread. The wealthiest 2% of landowners owned nearly three quarters of agricultural land, and as a result less than 1% was cultivated. The indigenous peasants either had no land, or had far too little to sustain themselves. Three quarters of the labor force were in agriculture, and industry was essentially nonexistent.

Arévalo identified his ideology as "spiritual socialism". He held the belief that the only way to alleviate the backwardness of most Guatemalans was through a paternalistic government. He was strongly opposed to classical Marxism, and believed in a capitalist society that was regulated to ensure that its benefits went to the entire population. In searching for a basis to repair the broken society that Ubico had created, Arévalo looked north to the system of neighboring Mexico, which he quickly went about emulating, hoping to follow their path to economic growth. Arévalo's ideology was reflected in the new constitution that the Guatemalan assembly ratified soon after his inauguration, which was one of the most progressive in Latin America. It mandated suffrage for all but illiterate women, and provisions for a multiparty system. Communist parties were, however, forbidden. Arévalo worked hard to reorient Guatemala towards Mexico as its new most valuable partner in growth, establishing economic and political ties between the two nations.

The Arévalo government also floated the idea of a Central American Federation, as being the only way that a democratic government could survive in the region. He approached several leaders of democratic Central American countries, but was rejected by all except Castañeda Castro, the president of El Salvador. The two leaders began talks to build a union and set up several commissions to look into the issue. In late 1945 they announced the formation of the union, which would go into effect the following year.

In 1950, elections would be held, this time between two of the former Triumvirate Leaders, Jacobo Árbenz and Francisco Arana. Arana was largely supported by the wealthy, landed elite, while Árbenz was favored by leftist movements. Fearing loss, and a potential coup should the more radical Árbenz come into power, In July of 1949, Arana delivered an ultimatum to Arévalo, demanding the expulsion of all of Árbenz's supporters from the cabinet and the military; he threatened a coup if his demands were not met. Arévalo informed Árbenz and other progressive leaders of the ultimatum, who all agreed that Arana should be exiled. Two days later, Arévalo and Arana had another meeting; on the way back, Arana's convoy was intercepted by a small force led by Árbenz. A shootout ensued, killing three men, including Arana. Arana's supporters in the military rose up in revolt, but they were leaderless, and by the next day the rebels asked for negotiations. Following this, Arana's supporters were exiled. In a speech on July 21, Arévalo made a speech describing Arana's death. He suggested that Arana had flirted with conspiring against the president with people hostile to Arévalo, but had eventually refused to overthrow the government, and been assassinated for his refusal. He did not name the assassins but suggested that they were members of the conservative opposition.

The following year, Jacobo Árbenz won the election by a massive landslide victory, and continued the land reforms of his precessor, the biggest component of Árbenz's project of modernization was his land reform bill. Árbenz drafted the bill himself with the help of advisers that included some leaders of the communist party as well as non-communist economists. He also sought advice from numerous economists from across Latin America. The bill was passed by the National Assembly on 17 June 1952, and the program went into effect immediately. The focus of the program was on transferring uncultivated land from large landowners to their poverty-stricken laborers, who would then be able to begin a viable use of the land of their own. Árbenz was also motivated to pass the bill because he needed to generate capital for his public infrastructure projects within the country. By June 1954, 1.4 million acres of land had been expropriated and distributed. Approximately 500,000 individuals, or one-sixth of the population, had received land by this point. The decree also included the provision of financial credit to the people who received the land. The National Guatemalan Bank (Banco Nacional Guatemalteco, or BNG) was created on 7 July 1953, and by June 1954 it had disbursed more than $9 million in small loans. 53,829 applicants received an average of 225 US dollars, which was twice as much as the Guatemalan per capita income. The BNG developed a reputation for being a highly efficient government bureaucracy.

The United Fruit Company
he United Fruit Company had been formed in 1899 by the merger of two large American corporations. The new company had major holdings of land and railroads across Central America, which it used to support its business of exporting bananas. In 1900 it was already the world's largest exporter of bananas. By 1930 it had an operating capital of US$215 million and had been the largest landowner and employer in Guatemala for several years. Under Manuel Estrada Cabrera and other Guatemalan presidents, the company obtained a series of concessions in the country that allowed it to massively expand its business. These concessions frequently came at the cost of tax revenue for the Guatemalan government. The company supported Jorge Ubico in the leadership struggle that occurred from 1930 to 1932, and upon assuming power, Ubico expressed willingness to create a new contract with it. This new contract was immensely favorable to the company. It included a 99-year lease to massive tracts of land, exemptions from virtually all taxes, and a guarantee that no other company would receive any competing contract. Under Ubico, the company paid virtually no taxes, which hurt the Guatemalan government's ability to deal with the effects of the Great Depression. Ubico asked the company to pay its workers only 50 cents a day, to prevent other workers from demanding higher wages. The company also virtually owned Puerto Barrios, Guatemala's only port to the Atlantic Ocean, allowing the company to make profits from the flow of goods through the port. By 1950, the company's annual profits were US$65 million, twice the revenue of the Guatemalan government.

In 1952 when Jacobo Árbenz passed Decree 900, the agrarian reform law, the uncultivated land held by the company, of the 550,000 acres (220,000 ha) that the company owned, 15% were being cultivated; the rest of the land, which was idle, came under the scope of the agrarian reform law. The United Fruit Company responded with intensive lobbying of members of the United States government, which lead to the planning of a coup to be executed in 1954 in response to the presence of Communists in the Guatemalan government under the Árbenz, using one of Francisco Arana's long time supporters who was sent into exile, Carlos Castillo Armas. By luck, however, Árbenz had managed to discover the plot of Armas' coup, and action was taken against him, wherein upon his arrival, he and his supporters were ambushed, and captured. Armas was put on a public trail, where he was convicted of treason under collusion with the United States government, and executed, while public and government opinion of the United Fruit Company's presence in Guatemala has only worsened, with Árbenz now up for reelection in 1955, and public opinion gradually turning more and more radical, as reforms increase the economic growth of this once feudal Central American nation, now aware of its position on a larger scale.

Information:

Guatemala City: The Capital of Guatemala
Revolutionary Action Party: The Ruling Party of Guatemala, lead by President Jacobo Árbenz
Communist Party of Guatemala: A radical left-wing pary, only recently legalized by the Árbenz regime, but popular among the urban working class. While technically an opposition party, it has strong ties to the current regime, as per the friendship of it's leader, José Manuel Fortuny, with the current president Jacobo Árbenz.
Popular Liberation Front: A center-right party, the major opposition party, and slightly conservative force. Its candidate, Víctor Manuel Giordani, is the main opposition to Árbenz in the upcoming 1955 election.

El Salvador: Instead of a federation of two Central American peopls, as many Salvadorians had imagined, the RGS turned into a state completely dominated by Guatemalans. Salvadorian political life was also diminished, as Arévalo demanded all political parties in El Salvador to be dismantled and absorbed into Guatemalan parties. The economically weaker El Salvador has been since dominated by Guatemala, which saw significant economic growth following the Mexican inspired reforms of the Arévalo government.

I made an app for something that isn't quite a nation or a single person. It's short and simple cause fuck apps.

On December the 12th, the old warhorse and Emperor of Ethiopia, Menelik II, passed away. He was born during the Zemene Mesafint: The Age of Princes, or warring states period of Ethiopia, where warlords roamed the highlands vying for power through blade and black powder. He saw the return of the Empire, and in middle age he was selected to lead it. By the end of his reign he'd more than doubled the size of the Empire and decisively defeated the Italians at the Battle of Adwa, cementing Ethiopian hegemony in the region. Then he died. His heir was an eighteen year old boy with a baby face and an impulsive streak that broke away from tradition. He was crowned Iyasu V.

The events surrounding Iyasu V's ascendancy to the throne of Ethiopia were fraught. Seen as a ne'er do well and a possible heretic, he was not embraced by the Mesafint: the nobility of Ethiopia. He befriended and actively appointed Muslims within government, an act that scandalized the Mesafint further.

Global politics complicated matters. Iyasu V came to power in 1913. A year later, Europe was at war. The European war mattered because all of Ethiopia's borders were with colonial holdings of the European warring powers: specifically, Britain, Italy, and France. They feared his reported friendship with the Dervish rebels in Somalia who were haunting the European powers there, and his alleged interest in the Central powers further worried them.

So the Europeans sowed mistrust and armed members of the Mesafint who opposed Iyasu. A coup was launched. Iyasu's father, Mikael of Wollo, came to his aid.

History shifted here. In our timeline, Mikael was defeated and the Mesafint coup succeeded.

But in the Precipice timeline, Iyasu's friends in the Muslim world made a move. The Dervish of Somalia entered the war. Khalid al-Himyari, an ally of the Mad Mullah of Somalia, supported Mikael of Wollo at the Battle of Segale and turned the tide. Iyasu V defeated the coup and joined The Great War on the side of the Central Powers.

The Ethiopian and Dervish alliance quickly caused the Allies to abandon Somalia, and shortly thereafter Eritrea, utilizing arms given to them by Germany. In return, Ethiopia agreed to support a campaign to drive the British out of East Africa, entering British East Africa from the north while the Germans under General Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck came from the south. The British put up a stiff fight but nearly lost all their East African forces in the region at the Battle of Eldama Ravine in 1919. This caused the British to pull back to Mombasa.

The Ethiopians took Fashoda in 1921 after a short siege. The ceasefires put an end to active fighting and the beleaguered government of Iyasu paused to take stock.

In the twenties, the Mad Mullah died. Khalid al-Himyari went back to Somalia and, through a campaign of intrigue and violence, kept the Dervish state from falling into Civil War.

The Peace saw Ethiopia given protectorship of the land it had already taken, due to the fierceness in which they contested it was their right, that their control would ensure stability in the region, and the simple fact that contesting their right would mean war.

For the Ethiopians, this meant a new identity. Propaganda became art and history, proclaiming the importance of the "Five Victories": Adwa, Segale, Eldama Ravine, Fashoda, and The Peace.

Iyasu died in 1935 of cancer. His twenty year old son, Yohannes V, took over his father's project of reforming the government. Fear of European supremacy allowed a loose feudal confederation to form, but Yohannes wanted to bring it more together.

The Empire Yohannes inherited looked like this:

Ethiopia: Still ruled by its traditional feudal forms, which would take time to iron out. He worked by strengthening the central government and giving it direct control any time the opportunity arose.

Medri Bahri: Eritrea, who's native Tigrinya were given a lot of autonomy under their Bahr Negus, or Sea King. The Bahr Negus commands Ethiopia's navy, giving it a lot of pull and respect within the Ethiopian government, while staying in the Imperial fold to avoid the threat of an Italian return.

Daraawiishta Sultanate: The Dervish state is still controlled by the al-Himyari dynasty. Primarily Muslim, it is a de-jure subject of the Emperor of Ethiopia, though almost independent to the point many maps show it as a separate nation. The Iyasuan dynasty is interested in folding it more into the government.

The East African Protectorates: Mombasa, Nairobi, Acholiland, and Buganda. These small governances are hardly ruled so much as colonized. Ethiopia simply retains economic dominance and as much peace as they can afford.

Sudd: The Ethiopians took Fashoda for strategic regions, blocking the British from launching assaults from the north. They retained this land for military reasons, but have hardly thought about governing it, to the point the border is hardly defined. A series of jungles and infamous marshes, it is a hard land.

Imperial Djibouti: Held on to more directly by the Emperor than most of Ethiopia itself is.

Yohannes died of influenza in 1951. His son Sahle, the same age as Yohannes when he ascended, became Emperor at 20. There is much doubt over the character of Sahle, who seems as impulsive and immature as his grandfather, but without the guiding hand of Menelik in his youth or the crisis of his young adulthood to shape him. Ethiopia is running on inertia, its frontiers brimming with shiftas (outlaws) so effective they are oftentimes likened to the biblical Maccabees. If the Empire can reform, it could become the most powerful state in Africa, if not the Indian Ocean. If it fails, it could return to its Zemene Mesafint in bloodier style and devolve into a failed state rivaling Russia for horror.

This looks interesting...

You might be getting an Australia.

Alright, let me know how this is:

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Recent History:
With no definitive winner of the Great War, the people of Australia have been left cynical towards the Crown's ability to defend her native sons and daughters from over 15,000 kilometres away - as the crow flies. And that's before you factor in how well conscripted members of the armed forces were put to use by British officers in highly questionable situations such as Gallipoli. Followed by the country being very much left to fend for itself as returning soldiers brought back the Spanish flu, which led to even more loss of life and between a quarter and a third of the population getting pneumonia.

The results were the Anzac nations of Australia and New Zealand realized they would be best served by uniting as a single nation so that Defence could be more effectively utilised, as both countries seemed to have mostly similar values and a somewhat shared history. The Statute of Westminster providing the autonomy required for the former colonies to act. Australia swung heavily to Nationalism. Under a new party comprising of many Commonwealth Liberal Party members, but with reputable Labor head Billy Hughes pushed to the front in a leadership capacity. Once known to all as an incredible British imperialist, he saw the need for greater self-determination and the means to protect itself as its own service to the auld country.

Australia offered the former Nation of New Zealand a questionable deal. They could either join as a single new state of New Zealand and receive only twelve senators, or it would be permitted to double its level of autonomy by entering Australia as two states - Northern New Zealand and Southern New Zealand - with the cost being the expectation of greater economic burden. New Zealand, also valuing greater autonomy after the events of the war jumped at the chance for larger representation in the Upper House - viewing this new expanded nation to be in the best long term interests of maintaining New Zealander and British ideals and culture in the Pacific. This decision has led to Republicans and Maori natives wondering if The Right Honourable William Massey, the Reform Party of New Zealand Prime Minister, had just swapped one yoke around the country's neck for another, and began some bitter sentiment towards what would come to be known as 'Mainlanders'. Massey did however manager to secure one final policy point - that Maori citizens would still maintain their right to vote (gained way back in the 1860s) under this new expanded Australian aegis. A right that thus far had not extended to the Aboriginal Australian populations. On the topic of Maori seats in parliament, Massey was basically told "You get twelve senators per state, how you divide them is up to the people of New Zealand." and was not granted any special treatment in the House of Representatives - as the House seats are to remain relative to the population. To get this through the Maori were granted two of the twelve senators in both the Northern and Southern Islands. Previously, Maori electorates made up about 1 in 20 of the general New Zealand parliament, or around 5%. This 5 percent was gone in the lower house of parliament, but replaced with roughly 16% of New Zealand's upper house vote. This sounded fine on paper, but Maori soon became disenfranchised as they were largely outnumbered in the Senate by Mainlander senators, and white nationalism began to spread in New Zealand's southern island where it was felt by many that the Maori were over-represented as over 80% of the Maori population lived in the North Island and both island were granted two Maori senators.

In addition to this, it was agreed upon by unwritten rule, that should an Australian reside over the seat of the Prime Ministership of the Commonwealth, there would sit a New Zealander in the position of Governor General and vice versa. With the importance of showing unity amonst the two held of paramount importance.

With New Zealand now on board, "the Little Digger" as Prime Minster Billy Hughes was affectionately known, turned to the task of expanding the defence force. As Australia was now "Eight States Girt By Sea", it became immediately obvious that the main priorities were maximising the Royal Australian Navy, and rapidly enlisting and training the next generation's fighting force. The former was acheived by sending back to Britain for current cutting edge naval ship designs, whilst simultaeously developing an engineering force who would be able to build them once designs were brought back by steamer. To train a fresh set of engineers he injected a large amount of money into a South Australian saddlery company who were looking to transition into the automotive industry and the Holden Motor Company was born. They rapidly expanded and trained a new workforce, and with the sizable investment the 48-215 was soon born, with 5 prototypes and just under a dozen pilot cars coming out before they were ready for mass-production, and whilst the mid-sized, three-speed sedan was somewhat derivative and not terribly impressive in and of itself. What was impressive was how quickly the engineers were able to produce a functioning car, and how much they were able to learn from their first attempt. Their second attempt, the FJ was an enormous hit and very quickly flooded the streets. Holden engineers and workers were the talk of the country, and the Australian government handpicked select engineers to work side-by-side with naval engineers to get to work on expanding the Royal Australian Naval fleet with budding ingenuity and innovation.

Also looking to expand on this development and innovation field, Billy Hughes pumped in money to develop a new agency responsible for scientific discovery and research - the CSIRO. With the outbreak of Spanish Flu following the war, it seemed too important to get left behind on the scientific front. He also saw great value in the trend towards aviation innovation, putting forward £10,000 reward for the first person to successfully fly from the United Kingdom to Australia in less than 30 days. After Hughes' tenure even further investment was put into the aviation industry in general as both hard and soft power - with the development of the CAC Wirraway, followed by the CAC Boomerang and the CA-25 Winjeel trainer which gave way to the CA-26 and CA-27 Sabres, as well as the nationalisation of Qantas.

Many leading economists suggest that it was sizable investments into the defense, aviation and automotive industries by Labor leaders like John Curtin and, after Curtin's death-in-office, Ben Chifley, along with mining, metal processing, textiles/clothing/footwear and chemicals which provided an environment of high production (yet less reliant on exports), full employment and the heavy stimulus which saw Australia through the Great Depression mostly unscathed - a unique situation for the country which often saw it's economy rocked so heavily by natural forces such as drought, flood and infestation from introduced species. It's heavily regulated and protectionist, with Labor Policy maintaing the stance towards the 'White Australia' policy of the Immigration Restriction Act of 1901, back during the original Federation of the country. "This country shall remain forever the home of the descendants of those people who came here in peace in order to establish in the South Seas an outpost of the British race." - John Curtin.

But the lines between the Labor Party and the Communist Party were becoming blurred. Years earlier the inauguration of the famed Sydney Harbour Bridge, a masterpiece of ingenuity that showcased Australian design, engineering, steel and construction industries, had been marred by The New Guard - A far right Nationalist movement who were strongly opposed to communists and New South Wales' Labor Premier Jack Lang in particular. A few left-leaning politicians would waver between stints at the Australian Labor Party (ALP) and the Industrial Socialist Labor Party (ISLP). In 1947, the Liberal Party were able to exploit this as Labor Prime Minster Ben Chifley went too far, and attempted to nationalise the banks. The High Court found this unconstitutional, the press and middle class Australians saw it as a bridge too far towards communism and it opened up an opportunity for the National Liberal Party. Chifley did however manage to pass the Commonwealth Bank Acts of '45 which gave the government control over monetary policy and allowed them to establish the Commonwelth Bank of Australia.

The strikes in the waning years of the 1940s in both Queensland's rail and the coal industry brought unemployment and hardship. Chifley responded by barring rail workers on strike from obtaining unemployment benefits. And sent in army troops to break the coal strike. This was because Chifley viewed these strikes as efforts by the Communist party to splinter Labor support and supplant them as the party of the working man. National Liberal Party leader Robert Menzies exploited Red hysteria to portray the Labor party as soft on communism, pointing at recent banking policy. Chifley was in a difficult position, under attack from both the right and left, and was unable to thread the needle of making a successful argument to the Australian people that "to the contrary, Labor is a bulwark against communism" and that the most effective way of weakening the strength of the Communist party is to improve the conditions of the people. The Australian people didn't buy it, neither on the mainland now across the Tasman, and Bob Menzies was able to secure the election. With Chifley barely being able to cling to a senate majority.

Chifley proved to continue to be a thorn in Menzies side from the Senate, where he remained as Labor leader and often was able to confound the Prime Minister, passing Labor amendments or outright blocking legislation. Menzies chose to respond to this by riding his high popularity at the time, looking to trap Chifley in a double dissolution election by introducing a bill to ban the Communist Party of Australia. He expected Chifley to reject it, opening up the opportunity to attack Chifley once more as being soft on communism at the ensuing election. Instead, Chifley zagged and passed it with a re-draft, and allowed the High Court to kill the bill as invalid - six justices to one. Menzies was later able to get his double dissolution election however, as he introduced legislation to change Chifley's Commonwealth Banking Bill. However, some damage had been done in the public's eyes towards Menzies with his attempt to kill the Communist party, regardless of whether the people would be willing to vote for the Communist Party his decision struck at the Aussie ideals of "a fair go". Menzies high popularity barely saw him scrape through, but not without losing seats to Labor. He did however achieve his plan of knocking out Chifley and the Labor Senate majority, and was now free to start moulding his vision for Australia into the '50s.

With the Royal Australian Air Force and Royal Australian Navy seeing massive expansion, Bob Menzies turned to expand the Australian Army. Still smarting from the previous election, Menzies chose to do this in a way to avoid conscription where possible. Sensing growing dissatisfaction from the Aboriginal population due to the vast disparity in rights between Aboriginal, Torres Strait and Pacific Islander rights and Maori rights, Menzies passed legislation that would enable Aboriginal and Islanders voting rights in return for Military service. He also saw the benefit of strategic allied naval ports, and began diplomatic proceedings to further expand the Australian Commonwealth to other Pacific Neighbours. Fiji was the first nation to join, in return for six senate seats and the written condition that their population would always be rounded up for an additional seat in the House of Representatives. Samoa and Papua New Guinea began murmurings of their desire for independence (Samoa having been 'roped in' to the Commonwealth under New Zealand rule) and were given two senate seats each as they were viewed as 'territories' of Australia and New Zealand. Both also received the 'round up' Lower House stipulation and this degree of self-determination mostly kept things orderly. Tonga was a different proposition, but was happy for their status as a 'Protected State' of the United Kingdom be diverted to the regional Commonwealth of Australia, particularly after experiencing heavy losses due to the Spanish flu. They remained a constitutional monarchy of their own, with Australia holding right to veto over foreign policies and finances... but seldom, if ever actually exercising that right. That desire to be left to their own devices swung both ways, however. They have no say in greater Commonwealth politics. With fears spreading through mainland Australians that their politics were about to be overrun with representatives from the island Nations. In response Menzies made two changes. First, that any new additions would receive the 'round up' rule in the House of Representatives providing they existed as a 'whole' nation prior (no 'splintering' grouped island states in an attempt to garner more political influence), but would only be represented by three new general Pacific Islander senators. Secondly, in a blatantly cynical move, Bob Menzies awarded two senators to a thusfar unrepresented territory - the Australian Antarctic Territory. With no permanent population in Antarctica, these were basically filled by the government's whim. Whilst particularly unfair, since the people who are IN Antarctica at any moment in time and are capable of voting there, do so at the Government's discretion, it's not technically unconctitutional since they are still 'free' elections otherwise. Menzies has stripped back the 'White Australia' policy, to allow free movement between all parts of the Commonwealth for all who can prove 'birthright' residence within any of its shores. However, being the 1950s, travel is still prohibitively expensive for most.

The year is now 1955, Robert Menzies is still Prime Minister of the Commonwealth of Australia, under his hand he now looks to direct the country into a new era of private enterprise and self-sufficiency. His Liberal Party controls both the Upper and Lower Houses, albeit by a slim margin. Now is the time for growth. The time for Australia to spread its wings and grow beyond it's quite heavily regulated economy, the time for Menzies show his power and grow his popularity amongst the Australian people.

Government

House of Representatives:
301 Seats - Proportional to Population, with former island nations getting 'rounded up' in seats.

Populations at 1955:
Australia (mainland and Tasmania) - Roughly 9.25 million
New Zealand - 2.13 million
Papua New Guinea - 2.09 million
Fiji - 335,000
Solomon Islands - 102,000
Samoa - 94,000
French Polynesia - 69,000
New Caledonia - 68,000
Vanuatu - 55,000
Cook Islands - 16,000

Senate (Sixty seven senators in total):
Mainland Australia (6 WA, 6 SA, 6 QLD, 6 NSW, 6 VIC, 2 NT, 2 ACT) - 34 senators
New Zealand - 12 senators
Tasmania (generally views self as 'mainland') - 6 Senators
Fiji - 6 senators
Samoa - 2 Senators
Papua New Guinea - 2 Senators
General Pacific Islanders - 3 senators
Australian Antarctic Territory - 2 Senators

Interesting points of difference and challenges:
After the war, Australia still cares greatly for the Crown... but is heavily into self-determinism and birthing a new Southern Commonwealth capable of taking care of its own interests.

This included looking to create a great Southern Royal Navy - which they have made good use of Britain's past naval supremacy to try and make up lost ground. Unfortunately, Britain's supremacy has started to sway since the invention of the submarine.

Australia has embraced the importance of the aviation industry, and is well aware that in that way lies the future. At this point, however, the main trait of Australian planes is reliability - and they rely heavily on pilot ingenuity to make up for deficits in areas like speed.

The population of Papua New Guinea feel heavily underrepresented and exposed. They have only two senators compared to New Zealand's twelve, despite having similar sized populations. The Aboriginal population also feels somewhat disenfranchised, with Maoris retaining rights that Aboriginals could only dream of from prior to joining the expanded Commonwealth. Maoris are disenfranchised as they have lost their 'Maori seats', and their senate influence (which was the trade-off benefit for losing those seats) has been diluted with the addition of fifteen other senators since they joined.

Realized I forgot to drop my sheet in the characters tab whoops.

I see this exists, alright, I'll grab me hat...

Howdy. Not sure if this is the right place to ask but I'd like to claim Brazil.

For all those saying you can't post, just get an AI to do it for you:

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The door of the grey sedan parked next to the table as tigran quietly inspected one of the more worrying development in politics was the current president 's attempts to inhibit as many of assanian 's administration. He had been allowed brushed on his chest and the armenian people that the armenian state instead and a student 's a lot of it appearing as he was unable to make it look like he was combing over while worrying about balding. " the director took off to rejoin their platoon " tigran scowled.

Sevan mafiya gave themselves a hit of meth when it was time to go looking back up at the runner tomorrow with the files. Monarchies became too many. Violently seeing anything happened on their side passenger: seven thirty meters in his section found himself as he checked his hand was still raining at least for their next morning. Assanian stood still in hrazdan sorting his money through their revolver. In a horizontal spray pattern from lingorian 's casket his cigarette burning crookedly " i fucking ambushed the police vehicle to make batirashvili ballots out from underneath the border. "

junior policeman came through her window to take pictures for later. Whatever information network that they would adopt until krikor turned on its proximity pistol. Bullets tore his cigarette while assanian led primarily into cover. Guns impacted straight out: perhaps someday as the rest for the funeral and the armenian church.

Economic was just like usual fire as yaglian himself before we do: he felt bad. Unconcerned police hoped more insight on one after looking out in front to do: hasmik and had only two truck to take it back into their way they found an idiot for now.

david nodded " what we're excited a military reserves for sure communities had not worried papers was their uniforms mandated every student wear "

absolutely the next supply chain in their respective eyes that had gone by vadratian. Casinos covered with memos specifically had spent shells for apparent officials.

It and other cities that there really his eyes had no stranger through into fists: tigran stood firmly as tigran nodded onto an accident for gor will have no response. Assanian at attention in from an internal mountains and delicately compartmentalized anything was one hand.

His section just nodded to the city and other utility about to his duty was an all through some last rites on them: " alex shook a single dram. " Oppression was no reply for … and what we're glad a line with several leaders had not worried papers pushing risks. Others tried to stop it was time for the next hour or something like he did for the funeral.

As assanian stood still respected the ground through this back was in some big place that blew mostly. This platoon came open and its entirety the country went in armenia became his other fallen. After looking out in front to do: a little to their respective black suits bearing down onto abovyan. With these augmented attack assembled through yet he was going on the street to retrieve a second round. " we're delivering a deep operation: reinforcements were being called in from neighboring towns. " we get all there with them with another mafiya with several troops.

With several harsh measures against foreign countries by armenian military officers he didn't notice another armenian soldier who happened to be a quick damage. This man who are fucking retards before sitting back behind cover. " i understand they could do another fire in yerkatgtsi "

Their positions had already still injured anything nestled on that government. Assanian pulled fireworks in his office to take out landmines. There drunk: private leon with its plot leader gave her children into their uniforms clambering through georgia.

Back at their rooms the armenian government was a late breakfast from north armenia. Although efforts who still injured about putting back the same gutter their way was another multitude of assanian. " i guarantee they want coffee "

Maneuver to gaznian 's face and flicked his eyeball: " if you'll tried out violently in this damn ashtray the other side was over "

Leeway was no reply for it. Under it and other cities that there really his eyes had only recently shared care and had seen mistakes. " remember " a rifle asked his lips.

Note: I took Evan's advice and figured it was probably a better idea to have a good app done now rather than a perfect app done next month...or in 2021. So anyway, here it is:

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German Council Republic / German Soviet Republic (German: Deutsches Räterepublik)

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WW1 History [+]

Following the infamous July Crisis, the German Empire chose to support its ally in Central Europe, Austria-Hungary, through the Blank Check, which promised unconditional military support in the event of a European land war. However, their actions in the region hardly went unnoticed; The Russian Empire had proclaimed itself as the protector of all Slavs, and had competed with Austria-Hungary in a game of dominance for the Balkans for decades. The annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina just six years prior had infuriated the Romanovs, and Austria-Hungary's ambitions on the Balkans were not to stop. The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand left the Hapsburgs without an immediate heir, committed by none other than a Bosnian Serb and Yugoslav Nationalist, Gavrilo Princip. In the eyes of Vienna, this audacious assault on the honor of the Hapsburg throne simply could not stand. Already seen as deeply internally divided, the course of action in the Austro-Hungarian court was clear: A war was necessary to revitalize the image of the Monarchy, lest their reputation change from, "waning" to, "ripe for the picking".

From there, the embers of war were airborne, until all which remained was contact to set the parchment of Europe's borders ablaze. Austria-Hungary issued their stern ultimatum to Serbia, deeply wishing for a quick and easy war of honor. To their glee, Serbia had refused, and one by one, the armies of Europe issued mobilization orders. Germany, seeing the vast armies of the Russian Empire too begin to mobilize, demanded they stop at once. The Kaiser and the Tsar, related by blood, exchanged cursory pleas, if only for auld lang syne than out of hope for peaceful mediation. Only days after the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum to Serbia, Germany declared war on Russia. Suspicious, Germany peered west to Russia's long-standing ally in France, and so did what was the only course of sanity in times of crisis, and took initiative in the declaration of belligerence.

German strategists were keenly aware of Russia's potential military might, for there was a very real fear in the high command that, should Russia be given enough time, they would eventually be able to field an army so great as to become unstoppable. Key to this, then, was that the Central Powers strike while the iron was hot and the wind behind their back. In their minds, imperative to their grand strategy was that France be quickly subdued, to which the full force of the German military could be redirected towards the neutering of the great Russian bear. Dubbed the infamous Schlieffen Plan, the heavy fortifications along the French border were directed to be flanked around via Belgium.

On August 2nd, The German Empire dispatched an ultimatum to the Belgian government in no unclear terms: Allow the German army military transit through Belgium and into France, or face war. The following day, Brussels gave a firm refutation to the demands. While Belgium was firm in its belief in the guarantee by the UK for independence, Germany assumed such a "scrap of paper" was merely pretext for the British to not be completely sidelined in continental European affairs without significant interest to act upon it. An invasion of Belgium commenced soon after their rejection, and any Belgian resistance was brutally repressed. England responded with fervor, joining the side of the Entente Cordiale. The Great War had begun.

Early on, the course of the war greatly favored the Central Powers, with the French army rushing towards other fronts in Belgium and much of Russia's military yet to mobilize. Germany's greatest military achievements were found in the early stages of the war. The famous Battle of Tannenberg caused the complete destruction of the Russian 1st and 2nd Armies in spite of the Germans being outnumbered 3-to-1, with Germany speeding ahead into Poland and the Baltics at speeds even they were surprised by. In spite of Italy and Romania's entry into the Entente, German forces pressed into Russia nearly unopposed. In March of 1916, repeated military disasters along the Eastern Front charged perception in Russia far away from the war, with incidents such as the Battle of Lake Naroch resulting in colossal failures to counterattack the German forces. A final offensive, led by Russian general Aleksei Brusilov attempted a spearhead into Austrio-Hungarian Ruthenia and Galicia. Initially quite successful, the Russians made a significant breakthrough into Austria-Hungary and captured the cities of Lviv and Lutsk, yet, Brusilov's initial victories would prove to be short-lived. Having pushed firmly into Ruthenia, Brusilov left his many of his flanks exposed to counterattacks. The very next day, this vulnerability would prove to be his undoing, with German and Austro-Hungarian troops able to successfully encircle the entirety of Brusilov's forces.

With the Russian Imperial Army in full retreat and the winds of revolution posed to turn into a gale, the Tsar called back the military and opted instead to sue for peace. The resulting peace conference between the powers soon turned to bitter demands. The Germans were infamously harsh negotiators, pressing their full advantage into the dire circumstances the Tsar found his country embroiled in. For days on end, talks teetered on the verge of collapse. Germany demanded hefty concessions from the Russian Empire, including the seizure of an overwhelming amount of its industry as well as considerable territorial cessations, up to and including the creation of separate Ukraininan, Baltic, and Finnish states. However, noting that he was quickly running out of time, the Tsar wearily folded to some - but not all - of their demands. Signed on October 17th of 1916, the terms and conditions were signified in the Treaty of Minsk. As per the decree of the treaty, Russia would be obligated to create independent states in Poland and Lithuania, in addition to the payment of 3 Billion Goldmarks in reparations to be paid. Russia's exit from the war left Romania completely isolated from the rest of the Entente, and their resulting encirclement made them easy prey for the Central Powers. Swiftly conquered, Romania folded to terms similar to the Russians in the Treaty of Bucharest, reasserting the territorial possessions of Austria-Hungary to Transylvania and Bulgarian claims to Dobruja, yet also acknowledging the Romanian annexation of the Russian territory of Besarrabia-Moldova.

Having secured the Eastern Front, the war plans had gone swimmingly thus far. Russia had been neutralized far ahead of schedule, and with only one front left to go, the air within the German High Command was swelteringly jovial. After all, if the enemy they had expected to be a long and brutal carnage against had been so easily vanquished with only half of the might of the country, what chance could the enemy they so famously defeated in 1871 have against the full might of the German Army?

The reality, of course, would be much less kind to their optimism. While the High Command had hoped that the closure of the Eastern Front would mean the troops could be sent West, the truth was the German Army had to be spent instead propping up the crippled Austro-Hungarian Empire rather than amassing enormous assaults against the Entente in the fields of France. Recent innovations in warfare did little to directly change the course of the war, for although the proliferation of the tank in 1916 would eventually be shown to a different course of warfare, the interest in such devices to the Germans was initially quite muted. Fighting intensified in scope and magnitude from 1917 onward into the famous British Offensives of 1919 and the Push to the Seine, yet each time, the results remained largely the same: Enormous attritional losses for the attacker in exchange for a few kilometers of gains at their most generous. Yet, the war went on into the '20s all the same, with no care for the fatigue of all of its combatants. Since neither side at this point could reconcile with their losses, the forces of the Entente and the Central Powers alike sought to entirely redefine the balance of power in Europe.

In late 1920, however, the winds of crisis would begin to blow across the Reich. Throughout the procession of the war, the Kaiser found himself taking more and more of a ceremonial role than an administrative one, simply existing to decorate brave soldiers or give speeches to a weary populous. Yet, by January of 1921, the de facto administration of the German Empire was that of a military dictatorship, primarily spearheaded by a certain Paul von Hindenburg. However, the boisterous Wilhelm had a limit as to how much puppetry he could realistically be given, having later confessed that he felt more apropos a figurehead than a true leader of Germany. In time, consistent and residual disagreements between the military government and the King of Prussia would spill over into power struggles. The March Crisis, as it came to be called, largely paralyzed the upper echelon of the German Government, leaving the rest to run on inertia alone. Scores of infrastructure in the Empire lay completely neutered, leaving any and all capabilities to whatever effective measures their local administrators could muster up. With harsher and harsher wartime rationing imposed as the war aged, Germany found herself embroiled in complete administrative and political turmoil. Incredible pressure from the wartime toils led to increasing opposition from various labor unions and democratic movements. Facing immense resistance from the civilian government, the Kaiser and Reichstag alike had to come up with a solution - and fast.

Whispers soon after escalated into the clear possibility of open coup d'etat within the Empire, which placed further stress upon the already maligned Wilhelm II to recapture his authority. Quietly, he approached von Baden to see if any such rumors remained true. It was often reported that von Baden only gave very roundabout answers, not as to condemn who was the chief of staff of the German Military, but also in such a fashion as to not draw upon the immediate suspicion of the Kaiser. The next day, the Kaiser posed the next question. When von Baden responded in the same way, Wilhelm II, in a rage, demanded that von Baden reveal any and all information about von Hindenburg. Within crisis lay opportunity, however, and it was in this moment which von Baden found perhaps the only way to make good on the gains Germany had made. To this end, von Baden instructed that he had, "reasonable suspicions (of) von Hindenburg", yet did not wish to condemn the general for anything which he did not know out of certainty.

To Wilhelm, this "admission" confirmed a lasting sensation he had: That there was some overarching conspiracy to keep him relegated from his position as Kaiser, or even to replace him entirely. In the mind of Wilhelm, there were no doubts left in his mind that his remission to the backseat of German politics would be a permanent one. On the night of March 28th, 1921, Wilhelm ordered the assassination of von Hindenburg in his own manor, with storied assumptions as to the true purpose of the attempt. Accounts of the period often varied from stories of von Hindenburg dying in a freak accident to his untimely death being an almost certain plot by either the French or the British. Yet by the end of it, the Kaiser's feud with von Hindenburg was incredibly well known. By this point, von Hindenburg was not only the de facto head of government, but also a widely renown celebrity within German politics, even earning the respect of many Social Democrats in spite of his outward dislike for their policy. With von Hindenburg dead, and Wilhelm in the eyes of so many to have been - at bare minimum - implicit in his demise, the already swelling political pressure in Germany popped. Almost overnight, Wilhelm II's reputation as a king immediately went toward the gutter, making enemies of both the lower and upper German strata.

In response, Wilhelm II did what all great monarchs did in times of great and abdicated the throne. Propping up the famed Prince Wilhelm III as his immediate successor, Wilhelm II soon after abandoned the country, smuggling himself aboard a cargo train where he sought asylum in the Netherlands. The Kaiser deposed, a new appointee as ruler of Germany, and the world exhausted, Max von Baden and Wilhelm III made contact through the Netherlands to suggest a cessation of hostilities to the Entente. Although an official ceasefire was suggested and eventually agreed to in April of 1921, the conditions of armistice were a subject of immense debate between both Entente and Central Powers alike. In both of their minds, however, the crushing reality of the situation did not lend itself well to the continuation of hostilities, for the reserves of such energy had been so long exhausted that von Baden commented, "To have continued the war after ceasefire is tantamount to political suicide."

To appease the home front and the increasingly influential and discontented Social Democratic Party, von Baden and promised extensive reforms to the tired people of Germany. With assurances to extend representation, ease conscription, and provide wartime pensions, von Baden had managed to prevent the immediate rebellion of Germany's most discontent, if he had only just as soon issued commitments that would prove tough to keep. After years of debate and consultation, the Treaty of Rotterdam officially signified the end of the Great War. Agreeing to no territorial exchanges, Germany would agree to pay reparations to Belgium and little else, even going as far as to denounce any territorial claims in their East Asian holdings unto the neutral Chinese, done out of the belief that Japan had done nothing to be rewarded throughout the course of the war.

With millions dead or grievously wounded, scores of political prisoners taken, and few significant gains as a result, the most generous clause of the Great War was one of a bitter status quo. The damage was one, sealed and irreversible as they were etched into the annals of history. There was little left for Germany to do but continue, few ways to proceed other than forward. And so, Germany marched onward.

At the conclusion of the Great War, Germany had found herself in much the same condition as she did in its beginning: With few allies, many enemies, an over-stretched Empire, and the clamor of its internal factions now more emboldened than ever before to seize what was so rightfully promised to them. In the following year, Germany withdrew its forces from the rapidly decaying Austro-Hungarian Empire as per demobilization of the country and transition into the civilian economy, yet the action would soon seal the fate of its sole accomplice in the region. Soon after, in spite of Kaiser Otto von Hapsburg's proclamation of a Confederation of Austrian States, the discontented peoples of the Hapsburg lands found themselves unwilling to merely accept any status quo. Sparked by the Siege of Brno and the returning Czechoslovak Legionnaires, one by one, states seceded from the crown, until the monarchist government was left with a paltry sum of what once remained of the mighty Austrian Empire.

Troubles for the recently-peacefound Empire failed to stop with the Austro-Hungarian Implosion. Just after the absence of the scorned Wilhelm II, his son and heir to the throne - Wilhelm III - soonafter announced his own abdication to the throne of Emperor and King of Prussia. Unlike that of his father, the exile of Wilhelm III was self-imposed, later admitting that he was, "...far too ashamed to stand before the people of Germany as a 'Heir of Ruination'". This left the incredibly young Wilhelm IV to lead the German Empire in what was possibly her most dire time. At only the age of 22, he was, unlike the majority of the Hohenzollern family, left near completely tutorless, to say little of his practical political experience; Although he technically had held the rank of Captain in the 1st Guards Regiment, he neither saw any active combat nor had any experience in any maneuvers aside from basic scholarship. Yet, with the tenured hand of Maximillain Von Baden at his side, Wilhelm IV was coronated in Brandenburg, headstrong in his assertion to the throne.

The coronation of the young prince into emperor did little to alleviate the unrest boiling below among the German people. In spite of the newfound Emperor's assured temperament, living conditions in Germany continued to deteriorate. The demobilization of Germany saw its wartime economy nosedive, and with both weak foreign and domestic markets Germany saw rampant unemployment, inflation, and with it economic and social instability. Lack of stability on a global scale as well as inflation due to excessive debt and financial mismanagement lead to the Goldmark’s value plummeting, wiping out vast swathes of industry almost overnight. In mere weeks, the value of the Goldmark hyperinflated almost exponentially. Barter economies became widespread throughout the country. So useless was the Goldsmark at one point that war veterans used the paper money the government payed them with to heat their homes. Hyperinflation threatened a near-breakdown of the German economy by the end of 1928.

Immense pressure from the completely bust economy saw very limited avenues of recovery. As a gesture of goodwill, the United States proposed the Wilson Plan, in which they offered financial assistance to the nations of Europe as a means to ensure a long-lasting peace. Von Baden was swift in his acceptance of the gesture, serving to inject the offerings of the plan directly into the German treasury. With this newfound money coming at virtually no price, the Reichstag just as soon began a lengthy debate on how quite this funding should be used to alleviate the current financial crisis. Although the monetary issues of the Goldmark were, in the short term, somewhat quelled, the Reichstag feared that the current procession of the economy would soon lead to an utter collapse in the private sector, if not acted upon soon. This, combined with the emboldened status of the Communist and Social Democratic parties provoked a distinct concern among the predominantly aristocratic Reichstag that, if not soon alleviated, would soon lead to a complete loss of control in the already-foundering German state. Under the influence of his court and Reichstag, Wilhelm IV quickly passed a series of emergency decrees on January 13th, 1929, aptly referred to as the Emergency Economic Powers Act. In effect, this gave the German government large amounts of control over the direction of the direction of industry, disallowed collective bargaining, and directly injected upwards of 70% of the previous Wilson Plan budget into the hands of private enterprises, such as the notable Junkers, Herr, und Krupp. Unincluded in any of these decrees were any of the aforementioned promises made by the earlier Maximilian Von Baden in the closing days of the Great War.

In effect, the decision to influence the German industry from a top-down, state capitalistic approach did very little to alleviate the needs of the average German citizen, where the decree was largely seen as an extension of the austerity of the wartime economy. In an era which promised lasting peace and prosperity, the average German was left jobless and often penniless. Despite an initial revitalization of some industry, the effects of the Act still left scores of Germans out of work and with promises unfulfilled. With such resentment built up over time and in time, the essential banishment of labor unions from Germany, a broad coalition of varied republicans, socialists, and communists banded their strength together, knowing now the only way for the dictatorship of the German Empire to end was a truly united front; Here, Die Einheitsfront was born.

On March 9th, 1929, the city of Cologne - set in the industrial heartland of Germany - experienced a wide series of strikes planned by the Einheitsfront in response to massive unemployment, mismanagement of funds by factory owners, and most importantly, the hyper-inflated pricing of food. Although an initial response from Berlin set to the rioters was somewhat muted, in time, clashes erupted between the Einheitsfront and the local Westfalen Freikorps, which eventually sprawled out into a gigantic, near city-wide battle between the two. Over the course of several days, the fighting escalated in scale and ferocity, calling upon a deployment of soldiers from all over the Empire to quell the unrest. Fighting soonafter spread into Bavaria, Hesse, and Alsace, with a series of states soon reported takeovers at municipal levels. Soldiers in many regions, unconvinced of the crown's wishes to fulfill any of their previous promises, took up arms in conjunction with the United Front. The combat even spilled over into the neighboring German Austria, a revolutionary surge from the neighboring Czechoslovakia and Hungary unable to be quelled by the decaying Hapsburg rule. The lines in the sand were now clearly drawn: The German Civil War had begun.

After months of vicious and brutal fighting, assisted by the recently revolutionized government of neighboring Poland, the German Civil War had come to a close. The Einheitsfront emerged victorious, the vanquished monarchists and proto-fascists were killed, imprisoned, or exiled, and in the place of the old Hohenzollern monarchy a new constitutional system was to be implemented. However, given the multipartisan composition of the United Front, there was initially much heated debate over what form the new government was to take. Supporters of the old Social Democratic Party were in favor of a mixed socialist welfare state, whereas the communists wished to completely revolutionize the old system, dismantle its last pieces, and instate a collective egalitarian society. After months of infighting and power struggles which resulted in rather comical events like the 1930 Reichstag Brawl, the KPD emerged victorious, thanks in no small part to the influence of Poland. In 1931, the constitution of the country was created, solidifying Germany's position as a communist state, and Ernst Toller was voted in as the first President of the German Council Republic, with Johannes Hoffman elected as the first Chancellor.

Toller's performance as the first president was one filled with a rather heavy duty before him, and one which he achieved with a very mixed legacy. Although responsible for a wide variety of initial projects to assist Germany's recovery, Toller was known for his general ineptitude towards appointing effective personnel as well as his general lack of urgency towards any situation. For example, Toller's choice of Foreign Minister, a certain Dr. Franz Lipp, had insisted that every single key to the restrooms in the German parliament had been stolen by the monarchists when fleeing, had issued a declaration of war towards Switzerland when they had refused to lend Germany 53 trucks (The result of which lasted approximately six hours and the only skirmish entailed within had the only casualty listed as a German patrol dog), and, had he not suffered from a heart attack and died on the typewriter from which he was stationed, would have issued a declaration of war upon the Empire of Japan for "the failure to purchase sufficient quantities of German tractors". The only instance in which he had broken this trend was due to his belief that the army would attempt to coup him, and thus, in a bid to curb their political influence, kept the Red Army preoccupied with construction projects, such as bridges, roads, and opera houses, that - while nice to have - Germany did not particularly need. As such, on the commencation of war in China, Toller was very quick to persuade the KPD to lend aid to China, eventually serving to funnel over as many postwar surplus materiel as could be provided.

With the new election cycle in 1936, Toller had proven to be nowhere near as popular enough to necessitate a repeated term, and was soon ousted by the new electee, Eugen Leviné. While certainly proving to be more apt than the previous Toller, Leviné only enjoyed lukewarm reception throughout the wider German population. Although he, unlike his predecessor, had made more conceited efforts to reaffirm the reconstruction program of Germany in the wake of both the Great War and the Civil War, his outspokenly audacious nature committed him to a more aggressively ideological crowd, and for the vast majority of Germans, simply any sign of improvement was a much-needed bolster to the more weary German people. However, come the next election, the UCDP had proposed just the candidate...

Albert Einstein had previously made his living as a world-renowned physicist, and showed only limited interest in political office. Only at the repeated insistence of his accomplices did he, after much debate, make the decision to run for office for President in the 1940 Election. With only a narrow margin of success - boiled down to the most minuscule of percentage difference - Einstein rose as the Third President of Germany. He soon proved to be Germany's most popular president to date. As a result of his series of collective, mutualist economic reforms - in addition to hiss expressive personality, keen inquisitive sense, wit, intelligence, and highly developed sense of empathy - made him enormously popular within and outside of Germany. During Einstein's presidency, the German economy began booming, proving to have completely recovered from the devastation of two wars, and soon after blossoming further as the industry began its steady growth under the UCPD's policy. To this day, Einstein is regarded as the most popular president of Germany to date.

Serving the maximum of two terms, the successor to his position, Wilhelm Stoph currently resides as a modest presider over the DRR. Largely considered to be a more homely president as opposed to many potential candidates, his popularity and legacy remains middling, though how much of this is due to the previous popularity of Einstein remains to be seen. Nevertheless, 1955 marks an election year for the German Council Republic, and the horrors of the Great War are fast becoming a distant memory in the eyes of the people.

The Home of the World Revolution peers out into the world, for it knows of the inevitable struggle between proletariat and bourgeois. For Germany, question of world revolution remains not as "if"...only "when" and "how"...

Aite, the actual meat of the app's done, so I'm posting it now
Aaaand we're done!

Nation: People's Republic of United Workers/Republika Ludowy Zjednoczonych Robotników (RLZR)

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